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New Facts Emerge On The Murky Role Of Communist Student Body SFI In Rohith Vemula Death

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Some sensational revelations are emerging in the Telugu media over the tragic incident of Rohith Vemula’s death, which are being largely ignored by our national media in its desperation to paint this incident as a death caused by caste discrimination. These revelations have also brought into question the role of student groups like SFI (Communist Party of India’s student body), ASA (Ambedkar Study Association), and some radical Christian missionary elements.

As per reports emerging in the Telugu media, Rohith’s paternal grandparents said that they were OBC and later on converted to Christianity. It is worth noting, at this juncture, that the way in which the Christian missionary mafia had a free run in the then united Andhra Pradesh for 10 years under Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s CM appointees like Y Samuel R Reddy and his successors, will have damaging repercussions on the fabric of Andhra society for years to come.

During investigation by University authorities of the physical assault on ABVP’s Susheel Kumar, by a group of 40 people belonging to ASA and led by Rohith, it appears that Rohith wanted to compromise and settle the issue with Susheel, but SFI didn’t allow him to. Did they want the political pot to keep boiling at the expense of a young scholar’s academics?!

This is what Rohith had posted on his FB wall in October last year regarding an instance where SFI was trying to play off Dalits against each other.

And it appears that in the lines which had been struck off from his suicide note, Rohith had narrated how he is disillusioned with ASA, SFI and other such organizations which he felt ‘exist for their own sake’.

Rohith_Suicide_Note_Changes
Rohit Vemula’s suicide note with struck off lines

So it is not surprising that a Dalit group by the name Dalit Iykyata Vedika has come forward to question the murky role of SFI in this whole episode.

And at least some local TV channels are calling out the disgraceful farce that the ‘champions’ of secularism, liberalism, and social justice in Bharat have reduced this whole affair to.

TMC MP Derek O’brien also managed to spare time to visit University of Hyderabad and incite students there. We wonder if he has found the time yet to visit Malda, where Islamists recently went on a deadly rampage?

Unless, common citizens on the ground understand these standard tactics used by political vultures and soul harvesters, Rohith Vemula’s death will be spun as viciously as the Christians Under Attack‘ and ‘Rising Intolerance‘ variety of false narratives which were used to manufacture public opinion before crucial state elections, mar the image of the nation, and guilt trip Hindu society. 

Chalukya Queen Naikidevi- The Defender of Gujarat From Muhammad Ghori

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The history of the Chalukyas of Gujarat has never suffered from want of historians since Hemachandra wrote his Dvyāśrayakāvya. His lead in this field of literature was followed by many writers such as, Someśvara, Somaprabha, Chandraprabha or Prabhachandra, Balāchandra, Udayaprabha, Merutunga, Jayasimha Suri and others. Many of these authors really wrote the biography of Kumarapala or of Vastupala and Tejahpala, but even such biographies usually contained a canto, or, if the whole work consisted of a short prasasti, several verses, in praise of the Chalukya kings. The information thus left is, however, often of the greatest importance for reconstructing the history of the Chalukyas of Gujarat.

Far more remarkable than the heroic ‘Veergati’ of Lakshmibai, the Queen of Jhansi, was this dazzling victory in the  annals of Bharat scored by a valiant woman against a treacherous, ruthless, and barbaric invader compared to whom the British foe would look like a fine flower of civilization. Yet somehow the history of Naikidevi is little known to the people of Bharat.

Mularaja-II, or Bala Mularaja as he is affectionately called by the Chroniclers, ascended the throne of his father Ajayapala in 1175 CE, while still a boy. His mother was Naikidevi, the daughter of one Paramardin, who has been identified with the Goa Kadamba Mahamandalesvara Permadi or Sivachitta (circa 1147-1188 CE). The earliest known inscription of Mularaja’s brother and successor Bhima-II, is dated 1179 CE. Hence the reign of Mularaja-II lasted for not more than three years.

The most important event in the short reign of this boy king was the sanguinary defeat he inflicted on a Muslim army. The inscriptions of his successors invariably describe him as: prabhuta-durjaya-Garjanak-adhiraja, or Mlechchha-tamo-mchaya-chchhanna-mahi-valaya-pradyotana-valarka.

The Chroniclers rightly single out the defeat of the Muslims as the only incident worthy of being remembered about Mularaja. Somesvara states that Mularaja defeated the lord of the Turushkas, and vanquished the Mlechchha army. Balachandra states that King Mularaja, though an infant, defeated the Mlechchha king. Arisimha also refers to Mularaja’s victory over the Muslims, and an inscription of Bhima’s reign states that during the reign of Mularaja a woman had defeated Hammira (Amir).

A more detailed description of the battle is given by Merutuñga who states that Mularaja’s mother Queen Naikidevi, the daughter of Paramadin, taking her son in her lap, fought at a ghat called Gadararaghatta (near the foot of Mount Abu) and conquered the king of the Mlechchhas by the aid of a mass of rain clouds that came out of season attracted by her virtue. Apparently, Merutuñga could not check the temptation of improving his narration by introducing supernatural elements in aid of human valour in order to impress his readers.

However, it is evident that Naikidevi defeated a Muslim army; but, as none of the Chroniclers name the invader, there is some difficulty in identifying him. Forbes, Buhler, Jackson, Hodivala, and Habibullah are of the opinion that the defeated Muslim army was led by Mu’izz ud-din Muhammad bin Sam, better known as Muhammad Ghori. But the Muslim historians are unanimous in stating that the victor of Mu’izz ud-Din was Bhim Dev, king of Nahrwala, i.e. Bhima-II, the brother and successor of Mularaja-II. An inscription at Kiradu which mentions Bhima as the reigning monarch and records the repairs to a temple broken by the Turushkas is dated 1178 CE. As the invasion of Mu’izz ud-Din also took place in the same year (1178 CE), some scholars have assumed, on the authority of the Muslim sources alone, that Bhima defeated the Muslim army of Mu’izz ud-Din. But, if this assumption is accepted the difficulty would be to identify the Muslim army which was defeated by Mularaja, as between 1175-1178 CE the only recorded Muslim invasion was the one led by Mu’izz ud-Din, in 1178 CE.

It is important to emphasize here that the inscriptions of Bhima invariably give Mularaja the epithet of conqueror of Garjanakas (dwellers of Ghazni) etc., while never mentioning that Bhima ever defeated a Muslim army. It is more probable that Muslim historians would be wrong about the name of the Hindu monarch who must have died shortly after the battle was fought, than that all the chronicles written during the reign of Bhima should overlook his splendid military achievement, just as his inscription writers had done; such a conspiracy of silence is not probable. We must therefore conclude that Queen Naikidevi, acting as regent of Mularaja, defeated the army of Mu’izz ud-Din when he attacked Gujarat in 1178 CE.

Invasion of Gujarat by Mu’izz ud-Din (Muhammad Ghori)

In 1175 CE, Mu’izz ud-Din led his first expedition into Bharat and captured Multan from the Qarmatian ‘heretics’ and Uch from a Hindu prince. Thus he obtained two good bases in Bharat and could now turn towards Lahore as he wanted to do so. But it does not seem that at this date Mu’izz ud-Din was aiming to capture the Bharatiya capital of the Yaminis. The shortest route that leads from Ghazni to Lahore is through the Khyber Pass, so that if Mu’izz ud-Din had wanted to capture Lahore he would have naturally occupied Peshawar first, and then marched on Lahore as he did later. Instead he entered through the Gomal Pass and after taking Multan and Uch turned sharply south towards southern Rajputana and Gujarat. Had this invasion been successful the whole of southern Rajputana and Gujarat would have been fallen to the Muslims, and Mu’izz ud-Din could, after establishing secure bases in these regions and securing his line of communications with Ghazni, attack either Ghaznavids or the Chahamanas of Sakambhari.

Minhaj states that in the year 1178 CE Mu’izz ud-Din “marched an army towards Nahrwala by way of Uchchha and Multan. The Rae of Nahrwala… was young in years, but had numerous forces and many elephants, and when the battle took place, the army of Islam was defeated and put to rout and the Sultan-i-Ghazi (Mu’izz ud-Din) returned again without accomplishing his designs.” Nizam ud-Din states that “in the year 1178 CE he (Mu’izz ud-Din) again came to Uch and Multan, and thence marched towards Gujarat through the desert… the ruler of the country gave him battle, and after a severe struggle the Sultan was defeated, and after much trouble, he returned to Ghazni and rested there for a short time.” Badauni states: “Then in the year 1178 CE proceeding by the way of Multan he (Mu’izz ud-Din) brought an army against Gujarat and suffered defeats at the hands of… the ruler of that country, and with great difficulty reached Ghaznin and obtained relief. According to Ferishta, “in the year 1178 CE he (Mu’izz ud-Din) again marched to Oocha and Multan and from thence continued his route through the sandy desert to Guzerat. The prince (a lineal descendant from Brahma Dew of Guzerat, who opposed Mahmodd Ghiznevy), advanced with an army to resist the Mahomedans and defeated them with great slaughter. They suffered many hardships in their retreat before they reached Ghizny.” This defeat the Muslims were to remember for a long time.

In his march against Gujarat from Multan, Mu’izz ud-Din probably captured Naddula. The Sundha Hill inscription states that the Naddula Chahamana Kelhana “after destroying the Turushkas erected a goldan Torana, like diadem for the abode of the holy Somesa.” Kalhana’s brother Kirtipala is also said, in the same inscription, to have routed an army of Turushkas at Kasahrada. It is very often the case that the feudatories take the credit of winning a battle in which they fought under their overlord; it seems that Kelhana and Kirtipala too had really helped their soverign, Mularaja, and as Mu’izz-ud-Din probably occupied Naddula, they were compelled to help him out of self interest. The place Kasahrada has been identified with the village Kayadram which is at the foot of Mount Abu and is probably the same as Merutunga’s Gadararaghatta. The place was very well chosen by Gujarat’s generals, for, when during the next reign the Hindus and Muslims met again at the same place, the latter remembering their previous defeat did not dare to attack the Hindus.

Death of Mularaja

Soon after the battle with Mu’izz ud-Din, Mularaja died, for the earliest known inscription of Bhima-II is dated V.S. 1235 (1178 CE). All the chroniclers of Gujarat have proudly mentioned this ‘gallant boy’, as though they were bearing a testimony to the valiance of Queen Naikidevi, with affection, and Somesvara laments that the Creator swiftly uprooted the shoot of the tree of paradise that was Mularaja.

Post-Script

His defeat by Naikidevi in 1178 CE compelled Mu’izz ud-Din to change his plans entirely. The next year he entered Bharat through the Khyber Pass, captured Peshawar, and later occupied Lahore by a stratagem. Ultimately he had to face the Chahamanas in a frontal attack. Whatever effect this might have had on the history of northern Bharat, Mu’izz ud-Din never again in his life attacked Gujarat, and the next Muslim invasion of that Kingdom happened only in 1297 CE under Allauddin Khilji.

The Battle for Sanskrit: A Must Read Book For All Hindus

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संस्कृत

There is a new awakening that is challenging the ongoing westernization of the discourse about Bharat. An important new book The Battle for Sanskrit” (www.thebattleforsanskrit.com) seeks to alert traditional scholars of Sanskrit and Samskriti

A Kashmiri Pandit’s Reply To Farooq Abdullah’s Taunts

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On the somber occasion of the Kashmiri Pandit exodus day, rather than empathize with the victims of religious cleansing and introspect on the way he abdicated his responsibility at a time of crisis, ex-CM of Jammu & Kashmir Dr. Farooq Abdullah chose to taunt Kashmiri Pandits.

Asked Him If He Was Hindu – And Then They Burned Sawan Alive

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In a shocking incident in Pune, 17-year-old rag-picker, Sawan Rathod, was set on fire by Ibrahim Shaikh, Imran Tamboli and Zuber Tamboli in broad daylight last Wednesday, 13 January. Sawan, who belonged to the Banjara community (a nomadic community classified as backward in many states), sustained 75 per cent burns in the gruesome crime. He succumbed to his injuries on Friday morning.

In a video recorded by members of his community on Thursday night, and which is now with the police, Sawan is seen saying,

“I was working with my family in Pandhapur. I had a dispute with them (family) and came to Pune looking for work…While I was taking a leak, three persons objected and asked me my name. I said Sawan Rathod. They asked me if I am Hindu? I said, yes. Then they poured something over me from a can and set me on fire.

(emphasis added)

The three Muslim assailants claim that they burned Sawan as they suspected him of ‘stealing bike batteries’. See the full report here. Note how the writer of the linked report implies that the communal ‘angle’ is still not clear – despite the statement of the victim.

Why is the dying declaration of this 17 year old not national news? What kind of bigotry and hatred drives someone to burn alive a hapless teenager based on his religion? At a time when all sorts of politics is being played over the suicide of Rohith Vemula, why is there no prime time discussion on this gruesome crime? Why the haste to play up the Dalit caste angle in one incident, and brush the brutal murder of another Dalit under the carpet?

If you scan the Pune editions of various national newspapers for 14th January (the day after the crime), there is NO reference to this incident, even in the inside pages – Exhibit A, Exhibit B.

The message from our media and elites is clear – Hindu lives matter only if they can be used to paint Hindus as a caste-ridden patriarchal society fueled by an oppressive faith. Else, they are just cannon fodder in the pursuit of whatever political ideology is being attempted to be foisted on Hindus.

What sort of editorial standards say that such news should be buried, while the headline “And They Hanged Yakub” is splashed on front pages the day after convicted terrorist Yakub Memon was hanged as per the law of this land, after he had exhausted all his legal options, including multiple appeals to the Supreme Court and the President of Bharat?

Yakub_Memon

Marxists And Media Manufacture Caste Angle To Milk Tragic Death Of Young Scholar

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The recent tragic suicide of a young research scholar, Rohith Vemula, at University of Hyderabad (UoH) has shown the depths to which Marxist groups, ‘secular’ parties and our national media have sunk in their pursuit of manufacturing fault lines in Hindu society, playing identity politics and chasing TRPs.

What Happened to Rohith Vemula?

Rohith was one of five students of the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) who had been on a sleep-in strike in the open on the UoH campus since they were expelled from the hostel by University authorities over a disciplinary issue. On the evening of 17 Jan, the 25-year-old Ph.D. scholar, was found hanging in one of the rooms of the New Research Scholars’ hostel.

His five-page suicide note shows a sensitive though deeply troubled mind. Some key highlights from the note (which can be seen in full here) are listed below:

  • I have no complaints on anyone. It was always with myself I had problems.
  • I always wanted to be a writer. A writer of science
  • I loved people without knowing that people have long since divorced from nature.
  • The value of a man was reduced to his immediate identity and nearest possibility. To a vote. To a number……In very field, in studies, in streets, in politics, and in dying and living.
  • I am just empty. Unconcerned about myself. That’s pathetic. And that’s why I am doing this.
  • I forgot to write the formalities. No one is responsible for my this act of killing myself. No one has instigated me, whether by their acts or by their words to this act. This is my decision and I am the only one responsible for this.

What’s the background on his expulsion?

Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) had organized a protest march in UoH over the hanging of convicted terrorist Yakub Memon, with posters like “Har Ghar se Yakub Memon” (Every Home Will Have a Yakub Memon). Reacting to this, N. Susheel Kumar, president of ABVP, allegedly called the ASA students ‘goons’ for protesting the death sentence of a terror convict. Around 40 ASA students barged into his room at 1 AM and beat him up over this post.

Upon complaint from Susheel, the University authorities enquired into the matter and recommended suspension of 6 students, Rohith being one of them. After ASA protested this suspension, the University watered down the disciplinary action to only hostel expulsion. The student’s fellowship and academics was not affected and they were allowed access to their classroom, library and conferences and workshops related to their subject of study. ABVP did not protest this.

ASA continued protesting against this University decision and were doing hunger strikes, sleep-in tents etc. Affected students also approached the High Court and legally challenged the University decision. As per another student group Dalit Student’s Union of that same University, ASA had assaulted Dalit students too:

Dalit_Students_Attacked

Why has police booked a Union Minister and University vice chancellor under SC/ST act?

This part is not clear, as Rohith’s hand-written suicide note clearly says that “I am the only one responsible for this”. It could be due to political pressure created by the synchronized manner in which multiple student groups and political parties have tried to play up the matter.

The fact remains that the country lost a talented young scholar. Left politics on our University campuses has radicalized many young minds with the negativity of their subaltern discourse and the Sharia-Bolshevik idea of class war. This is what a Dalit scholar from JNU has to say about the sorry politics being played over Rohith’s death

But all media houses have played up the caste angle in their mad rush to milk this tragic death.

Media_spin_rohith

Their malafide intent is not hard to gauge for informed twitterati:

And the usual political opportunists have jumped in to exploit this tragedy as well.

Most tragic-comic is the Islamist groups voicing their faux support for Rohith Vemula. Any Hindu student or groups like ASA who believe the narrative that Islamists are peddling would do well to read Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s thoughts on Islam.

Dalits are an integral part of Hindu society. The injustice and discrimination they have suffered is acknowledged by all, and is something which the State of Bharat and Hindu society is constantly working to eradicate through tangible actions. It is Dalit Hindus who are the first target of Communist-Islamist violence in places like West Bengal and Kerala, and are facing the brunt of Islamofascism in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Media and discredited political outfits should realize that their old game of divide and rule employed against Hindus will not work anymore.

The Genocide That Wasn’t – Remembering Kashmiri Pandit’s Exodus Day #KPExodusDay

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January 19, 1990- a day chiseled in their collective memories – is the day of exodus of the Kashmiri Pandit community.

The name of ‘Kashmir’ valley is derived from the name of Rishi Kashyapa, the progenitor of all those living in Bharatvarsha. Kashmiris have played an integral role in Hindu civilization – Kalhana authored ‘Rajatarangini’, the first written history of Kashmir and contemporary Bharat; Sarangadeva helped evolve Carnatic music; scholars like Nagarjuna taught Buddhism.

But Kashmiri Hindus have faced genocide for over 800 years – there have been seven exoduses since the first Muslim rulers invaded Kashmir. Even according to a Muslim scholar Al-Beruni, Kashmir and Varanasi were the main centers of Hindu learning, and hence Kashmir, besides Varanasi, has been a target of those who invaded India in order to spread Islam, with the might of their swords, from the beginning. When we read Muslim texts like Bahristan-i-Shahi, we can imagine the kind of barbarism unleashed on Kashmir; but the Kahsmiri Pandit exodus in 1989/90 was the most shameful episode in the history because it happened in a a secular democratic republic of India and also in the era of great ‘human rights’ movements!

The signs were ominous right through the autumn of 1989 – posters were pasted on the doors of Pandit houses, asking them to convert, flee, or perish; as prominent Pandits were being murdered, the Chief Minister of the state Dr. Farooq Abdullah abandoned his people and ran away to London in order to let this slow pogrom unfold. On the night of January 19, 1990, things reached a fever pitch– mobs of ordinary Muslims gathered in every street, whipped into a frenzy by slogans which rang out from the loudspeakers of mosques. One such slogan was,

‘Asi gachchi Pakistan, Batao roas te Batanev san’
(We want Pakistan along with Hindu women but without their men).

Many Kashmiri Pandits fled the very next day. In April 1990, a Kashmiri Pandit nurse Sarla Bhat was gang-raped and beaten to death, in June Girija Tickoo was also gang-raped and then sliced at a sawmill. Over 90% of Pandit families, close to half a million people, fled Kashmir by June 1990. 450 temples were destroyed, and 10000 houses were razed to dust in the following years.

dead-bodies-women-children-men-KPs

A false theory was propagated by those on the payroll of ISI, the intelligence agency of Pakistan, that the then Governor Jagmohan organized the exodus to defame Muslims. Kashmiri Pandits were forced to live in camps without toilets, water, electricity – 250,000 people lived in these conditions for 17 years. A few Pandits who dared to stay back faced massacres from time to time. The book ‘Our moon has blood clots’ by Rahul Pandita, tells us the untold story of the exodus of the Kashmiri Pandit community from their ancestral homeland.

As if their exodus was not enough, the killers of Kashmiri Pandits like Bitta Karate who murdered over 40 Pandits and JKLF chief Yasin Malik who self-admittedly killed unarmed Bharatiya Air-force men are still roaming free, bearing a shameful testimony to our impotence to ensure justice to the persecuted Hindus of Kashmir. What this religious cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits shows is that we choose to live in denial and tend to treat such genocides as though they never happened.

What we need is a paradigm shift. First of all, Bharat must halt the genocide of Hindus within Bharat itself. There are three imperialist processes working in Bharat – Islamic, Christian, Chinese. Secularism in Bharat has been the interplay of these three imperialist processes, which are collectively used to emasculate Hindus.

The ethnic cleansing of Hindus from the Kashmir valley was aimed at destroying the place consciousness of Bharat by Islamizing the Himalayas. On Article 370, rather than getting into the technicalities we need to question the ideology involved. Sadly, all political parties of Bharat have trivialized the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus. Panun Kashmir is the first attempt to create a Hindu habitat and reverse the process of genocide.

Secularism is a process of incremental compromises to Muslim and Christian identity politics – this has to be destroyed. Else, the fate that befell Kashmiri Pandits will one day befall the rest of us: we will die while dreaming of return.

This article contains extracts from talks delivered by Rashneek Kher & Dr. Ajay Chrungoo at the inaugural World Hindu Congress held in 2014.

PS: Kashmiri Pandit Youth Initiative, Roots in Kashmir, is organizing a silent protest by children on #KPExodusDay, 19th Jan, 5.00 PM at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi. If you are in Delhi, please go to lend your support.

Silent_scream

Mamta Banerjee Has Given Free Reign To Islamists In West Bengal

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Mamta Banerjee

Muslim extremist mobs are now functioning with complete impunity in West Bengal. They fear no one, not the police, nor BSF, and definitely not the State of Bharat. Today, the West Bengal police is heavily demoralized due to the repeated assaults and humiliation meted out to them by Islamist mobs, who have the full backing of the ruling TMC party. In their latest show of brute strength, a mob of Muslims ‘torched two police jeeps, assaulted cops and vandalised and laid siege to a police station in Birbhum’s Mayureswar, prompting officers to flee.’

This is the chilling bit from the above report –

“An officer later said the police in Birbhum were under “strict instructions” from higher authorities not to use force, which is why there was no resistance.
In the past two years, the police have come under attack several times in Birbhum, causing the death of one officer in 2014. District police sources said the force had lost its morale because of alleged political backing enjoyed by the attackers and resistance to action.”

This was not the first assault on the State of West Bengal, and doesn’t look like it will be the last. From brazen rallies in support of a Bangladeshi war criminal convicted for genocide, to rampaging mobs burning vehicles and sexually molesting women when a Muslim Imam is questioned – Kolkatta and West Bengal it seems are inured to Islamist violence. It is the new normal.

This India Facts report captures the series of attacks on the hapless Hindus of West Bengal in the last few years, which the police is either unwilling or plain incapable of preventing. This is an orgy of controlled violence and slow ethnic cleansing of Hindus from West Bengal.

The unfortunate 2002 Gujarat riots which erupted after the gruesome burning alive of 58 Hindu passengers, mostly women and children, travelling in the Sabarmati Express, were covered non-stop for days on end by our national media. The actions of the then CM of Gujarat, Narendra Modi, were subject to intense scrutiny, by media & courts for over a decade – and rightly so. But why hasn’t Mamta Banerjee been subject to even a fraction of similar scrutiny?

There is documentary evidence that TMC’s Rajya Sabha member Ahmed Hassan Imran had a direct role in the communal violence that took place in Canning, South 24 Parganas district in 2013. Despite being privy to this information, Mamta Banerjee nominated Ahmed Hassan Imran, also one of the founders of the banned SIMI, to Rajya Sabha in Feb 2014. TMC cadre have shot dead police officers in broad daylight and also rented out their house to bomb-making terrorists. A sensitive border state like West Bengal has today become a breeding ground for Islamists and jihadis who want to topple the Government in neighboring Bangladesh and carve out a “Greater” Bangladesh by annexing part of West Bengal. Still, Mamta Banerjee is treated by national media like an indulgent parent treats a petulant child – no one is asking the tough questions which need to be asked if Hindus in West Bengal are to survive.

Some specific incidents like the Tuktuki Mandal abduction and Malda riots came to the fore in mainstream media only due to intense pressure from social media. And even then, some news portals tried to negate the ordeal of Hindus, or gave a vicious spin while downplaying the clear Islamist hand behind the violence.

When even an act of ink-throwing is painted as a sign of ‘growing intolerance’ in society, what should we make of these repeated assaults on law enforcement & border protection forces by large mobs of Muslims? Or are we expected to apply a different tolerance standard for Muslims, just like a different civil code applies to them? And this Islamist intolerance also extends to Muslims who they believe are acting against their Talibani doctrine. So why aren’t self-avowedly liberal Muslims like Javed Akhtar, Aamir Khan or Shahrukh Khan (the official West Bengal brand ambassador) using their public reach and position to condemn this growing Islamization of West Bengal?

At a time when even the Western media is finally reporting the rampant persecution of Hindus in West Bengal, why is there no debate happening in Bharat on this multi-pronged assault on Bengali Hindus and their beliefs? Why aren’t Bengali icons like Sharmila Tagore, who spoke so eloquently on the Dadri incident, not speaking up on this sustained persecution of Hindus and total break-down of law & order in her home state? Will President Pranab Mukherjee speak on this issue the way we were told he advocated tolerance in the wake of Dadri? And finally, why aren’t we discussing the need to enforce Article 356 in West Bengal, where the rule of law has dissipated for all practical purposes?

Hold Pakistan Accountable For The Way It Treats Its Hindu Population

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Pakistani Hindus are arguably the most persecuted minority community in the world, but strangely their plight is hardly noticed across the world, including in Bharat – the only homeland of Hindus. Even accounting for the fact that Pakistan is an “Islamic Republic”, and hence gets a waiver from being judged by the secular standards which we are told modern civilization demands, isn’t a State supposed to guarantee a basic right to live to all citizens? Let’s see if Pakistan is meeting even this very watered down expectation.

A recent moving piece by Dr. David Frawley should be required reading for all those who choose to live in denial about the plight of Pakistani Hindus. He says, “Pakistani Hindus are among the poorest of the poor and do only the most menial jobs. The most basic human rights are not given to them. Pakistani Hindus cannot own land or register their marriages. Their women are commonly abducted and there is little they can do about it. Pakistani courts seldom hear their pleas, or if they do, seldom rule in their favor. Sometimes paying of high ransoms may work to bring their daughters back, but overall Pakistani Hindus are too poor to afford these. A Pakistan Hindu Marriage Act has been in the courts for years but has not yet been approved, though Pakistan has continued a Christian Marriage Act from the British era.” (emphasis added)

And the reason for this sub-human treatment of a peaceful minority population is the pernicious propaganda against the Hindu way of life in every sphere of Pakistani life – education, politics and religion. As Dr. Frawley articulates, “Hinduism is denigrated in Pakistan textbooks as unholy and the Hindu past of Pakistan is almost eradicated from the record. Pakistanis are taught to distrust and look down upon Hindus, as kafirs, if not subhuman. The result is that Pakistani Hindus often face fierce religious hatred by people who do not even know them.” (emphasis added)

One of the most heart-rending aspects of the rampant discrimination faced by Hindus in Pakistan is the frequent abduction, rape and conversion of Hindu girls, even 6 year olds. According to this Asian Human Rights Commission report, every month some 20 to 25 girls are forcibly converted to Islam in the Sindh province of Pakistan alone. Listen to senior Pakistani journalist Najam Sethi on the chilling fate which awaits these girls after forced ‘marriages’ – he estimates over 90% of such girls are either killed or forced into prostitution after a few months. Only a few brave Pakistani journalists like Veengas write on these abductions like the plight of 12 year old Anjalee Bai. She has put together the below partial list of cases that she has personally tracked –

List made by Veengas

Hence it is no surprise that Pakistani Hindus are fleeing to Bharat in ever increasing numbers to seek refuge. There are estimated to be up to 2,00,000 Hindu and Sikh refugees residing at present in Bharat. But we, the citizens of Bharat, have failed abjectly in our duty to these people who have nowhere else to go.

The current Government has granted citizenship to 4,300 Hindu & Sikh refugees in its first year, as compared to the 1,023 citizenships handed out during the entire 5-year tenure of UPA-2. But the way Pakistani singer Adnan Sami was granted citizenship on a fast-track basis with personal intervention of the Home Ministry, while scores of Pakistani Hindu families are waiting interminably for citizenship and struggling under restrictive visa conditions, shows the long way we have to go. It is a matter of shame for all of us that this is what our Hindu brethren from Pakistan have to say:

“They (Hindus of Pak) came here with the sense that they are Hindus and will be warmly welcomed. But the scenario here is totally different.”

Apart from a few stray reports on the plight of Pakistani Hindus languishing in Bharat, our media has largely ignored their rampant persecution in Pakistan, and actually covers the Rohingya Muslim crisis with far more sympathy. Rohingya Muslims started leaving Myanmar after riots broke out in 2012 between them and Rakhine Buddhists over the gang-rape and murder of a Buddhist woman.

Today, there are 36,000 Rohingya Muslims residing across Bharat, and their alleged persecution in Myanmar enraged Islamists in Bharat so much that they unleashed gruesome violence at Azad Maidan, Mumbai in ‘protest’. It is pertinent to note that back in 1946, Rohingya Muslims had requested Jinnah to annexe their region in Myanmar and merge it with East Pakistan (today’s Bangladesh).

As we discuss another terror attack on Bharat which was hatched, planned and executed by the ‘Deep State’ of Pakistan, we are witnessing the same déjà-vu inducing commentary from experts on the perennial ‘should we talk or not’ question. But one factor has been missing from the debate – why isn’t justice and dignity for Hindus living in Pakistan one of the pre-conditions for any meaningful dialogue with that nation? If the Government of Bharat were to take such a stand, it would also help raise international awareness on the issue. Unless we force Pakistan to look within and root out the religious hatred that has sunk deep within its body politic, can we ever have normal relations with it?

There is an old adage “People get the government they deserve”. So it is incumbent upon us, the citizens of Bharat, to first take note of what is happening to the Hindus of Pakistan, lend them a helping hand in whatever way possible, and then force our political system to act by making this an election issue. But first we in Bharat must realize the obligation we have to support the cause of Hindus in Pakistan and elsewhere. If we don’t, then who will?

Hegemony and Hindu Dharma in the West Indies: Part 1

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Hindu Dharma In West Indies Hindu Beliefs
Immigrants from Bharat in the 19th century celebrating their culture in West Indies through dance and music

“The strongest man is never so strong enough to be master all the time, unless he transforms force into right and obedience into duty.” – Jean Jacques Rousseau

The introduction of large numbers of people from Bharat in the Southern West Indies (Guyana, Trinidad and Suriname ) between 1838-1917, helped to create plural societies that have been wracked by competition amongst the several groups, including Bharatiyas, that remained there. The struggle, focused on securing political power upon the departure of the European Imperialists, has transmuted the question of “culture” and “religion” into contestatory sites, since the political mobilization in each territory has centred on groups that define themselves ethnically (thereby, incorporating group origins, culture and religion).

The “national question” is therefore quite unsettled even though for most of the colonial and post-colonial periods the goal of integration was posited as to be achieved through assimilation. One premise is that there was a “persistence” of Bharatiya culture in the Caribbean that had to be eradicated and that they should accept “Creole Culture”.

It is the contention of this paper that the Bharatiyas of the Caribbean, especially the Hindu segment, do not have the pristine culture that is assumed by other groups in the West Indies. The changes induced in their cultural practices were not only the innocuous or randomized inevitable adaptations to new environments but also the result of a conscious process labelled “hegemony”/”social maya” that has fundamentally affected them and their identity.

This process was a project of the British Imperial power. While all West Indian groups have been hegemonised, each brought different cultural attributes into the hegemonising situation and since they were also introduced at different times, the hegemonising apparatus – in both the procedures and substance – would have varied, ensuring that the groups ended up with different cultural attributes and responses to the power structure.

The Hegemonisation of Hindu Dharma in Guyana will be located within the overall power relations of the society it finds itself, as by definition it is within the context of these relations that the Hindus were hegemonised. We are contending that, unlike the situation with the other groups, the hegemonising process on Hindus started back in Bharat from which they were brought as indentured servants.

We will therefore also look at the process historically and examine the situation in Bharat where the British had completed the conquest of Bharat by 1818 with the defeat of the Sikhs, and before the introduction of indentureship.

The struggle against the debilitating effects of the hegemony – labeled the formation of a “counter-hegemony” – by the Hindus in Bharat and in Guyana will also be examined from a normative standpoint. The Hindu counter-hegemony, obviously, will have implications, if not lessons, for the wider society to throw off the shackles of the hegemony as it suppresses them.

Hegemony/Social Maya in Bharat

It is still a source of amazement to many that the British, a nation of twenty five million at the beginning of the nineteenth century, from an inconsequential eighty-nine thousand square mile island, was able not only to conquer but hold a country such as Bharat with ten times its population – and an Empire on which, they boasted, “the sun never set”. At no time during their one hundred and fifty years of rule over Bharat, did the British have more than 150,000 troops (and as low as 15,000) in a captive population of 250 million.

The Empire was supposed to have been established on the foundation of superior technological advances in military hardware achieved by the Europeans and tactics that the technology opened up and made possible. There was also the technology of production that they improved on as they destroyed the existing industrial base of Bharat and held back the introduction of the new technology and so contributed to the latter’s underdevelopment.

But with all of that, the extended British rule is astounding when that rule is considered against a background of the rapacious looting of the wealth of Bharat, the contemptuous, second-class treatment of the colonized in their own country, and the luxurious lifestyle of the conquerors juxtaposed against the abject poverty of the conquered. Much of it had to do with the technology of communication.

Domination

One method of maintaining dominance over a conquered people is to utilize the same type of force and violence by which they were conquered – garrisons, executions, torture, prisons etc. to keep them in line. This has been the tried and tested method used by all conquerors of the past- and quite a few of the present. This method however, has proven to be quite costly – especially in terms of manpower and material, since the oppressed has a visible reminder – even a red flag – of his oppression, against which he can be aroused to rebel. Spartacus and his slave rebellion against the Romans were echoed in many African slave rebellions against the British in their West Indian colonies during the eighteenth century.

The British, however, perfected an alternative, which had always been around – but in bits and pieces. From time immemorial, victors had attempted to lighten their burden of conquest by eradicating perceived differences: Aristotle, for instance, that paragon of rationality, had suggested that the enslaved barbarians might be “educated” to accept their condition. The British took the process to higher levels, refining and perfecting techniques and institutions successful in the past and creating completely new ones. What the British did was to exchange the metal chains holding the colonized people with mental chains for which the people clamoured: they introduced a hegemony or social maya over the people of Bharat.

Hegemony or Social Maya

In the 1920’s the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, was confronted with the anomalous phenomenon of the lower classes of Italy being attracted to Fascism, even though objectively he concluded that the masses were oppressed by that regime. He introduced the concept of “hegemony” to explain the passivity of the masses to their oppression. Hegemony, he proposed, was the seizure of the moral and philosophical leadership by one group in society through their creation and imposition of a new and complete world view or paradigm in such a thorough fashion that the remainder of society (or at least, the overwhelming majority) accepts as “common sense” or givens, the ideas, social structures and systems that just happen to privilege the hegemony.

These ideas form a coherent, internalized word view which creates in the mind of the hegemonised group, the feeling that their oppression and inferiority to the hegemon as “just the way things are” or “that’s life”. There appears to be an inevitability and eternality to their subjugation: the latter becomes a plight – part of the unchangeable, universal order, and not a problem; as against part of the man-made order, which can be changed by man.

The term “world view” or paradigm is used rather than “ideology” to emphasise the pervasiveness or all-encompassing nature of the hegemony/social maya which, when incorporated into the individual’s consciousness, provides an “explanation” in terms of a vocabulary and conceptual framework, for everything within the subject’s experience.

Maya and Social Maya

In Hindu Dharma, “maya” was a concept introduced by Adi Shankaracharya to explain the difference between the “real” or Absolute (that which is unchanging) and that which we experience in the phenomenal life, which he defined as “unreal” (and is always in a state of flux). He posited that Maya, in reference to us, was an integral aspect of the Absolute and acts to conceal that Absolute but simultaneously to project that which we perceive through our sense organs and mind and believe to be real. Most of us go through life without realizing that there are levels of reality behind the familiar, everyday, common sense ones. Hindu Dharma is actually a way of life with number of paths to apprehend the “Real”.

In an analogous similar fashion, in human communities, during the socialization of individuals from birth onwards, there is a social construction of reality located in the words and concepts transmitted to all who are part of families (and societies) – especially as they relate to social institutions which objectively have no existence outside of the stipulated socially defined one. While maybe more mundane than the original maya, this social construction of reality is also a form of maya, which has no less a profound effect on the lives and actions of the subjects. The rupture of a social institution – marriage vows, say, can be as devastating to some persons as being hit by a rock. Which is more real? The ideas and concepts of this social maya can obviously be shaped and directed by groups that are in control over the institutions that “create” knowledge and this brings us back to Gramsci and his concept of hegemony.

(Other parts of this series – 2, 3, 4, 5)