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UP has spoken – no more Kairanas

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Kairana Exodus Kairanas

A people, long divided, battered, and preyed upon have finally stirred awake in a desperate bid to regain their dignity and right to life. All they needed was someone who could offer them a credible glimmer of hope, and they have responded in a manner that their erstwhile exploiters never imagined possible.

The Hindus of UP have spoken, and let there be no confusion about what they are seeking: a right to a safe & dignified life. What unfolded in Western UP over the last 5 years under Akhilesh raj, was a slow campaign of ethnic cleansing. Kairana was but one manifestation of this epidemic, the process is underway in countless inner city areas of Meerut, Saharanpur, Muzzafarnagar, Shamli etc.

UP constituency wise results

This historic verdict, which has delivered 325 out of 403 assembly seats, places an enormous responsibility on BJP – their political leadership at all levels have to first and foremost ensure that the dilapidated law & order machinery of UP is set right & that the kind of rapes, molestation, murder & mayhem which have racked UP over the last 5 years are a thing of the past. Most of all, UP’s girls and women have to feel safe again – safe enough that they can go to schools, for tuition or just to the market.

Kairana did happen. However much the Delhi media and assorted left-liberals tried to dismiss the exodus of Hindus from Kairana, the ones who suffered, and others in UP who could relate with what happened in Kairana, knew that the 2017 assembly election was the last chance to stem the tide and take a stand – for their ancestral land, for their culture and civilization.

This is what a four-member NHRC (National Human Rights Commission) team which probed the exodus, reported –

“At least 24 witnesses stated that the youths of the specific majority community (Muslims in this case) in Kairana town pass lewd/taunting remarks against the females of the specific minority community in town. Due to this, females of the specific minority community (Hindus) in Kairana town avoid going outside frequently. However, they could not gather courage to report the matter to the police for the legal action,”

One just has to travel through Western UP, get to know the people and soak in the atmosphere to realize the fear and despondency that lurks within the Hindu mind. Of course, if you are a secular journalist, the guarded response of Hindus who are asked leading questions is enough to pass judgement that ‘communal polarization’ is just a Hindutva political ploy. UP 2017 has exposed this insensitive, elitist dismissal of Hindu human rights.  

It is imperative that BJP understands this mandate, and not get sucked in by the mind-games being played that this verdict is for “Sabka saath, sabka vikas” type homilies and that a significant number of Muslims have voted for BJP. Yes, all citizens of UP crave employment, 24×7 electricity and better roads, but this is a verdict by Hindus who crave the security that urban Hindus living in gated societies take for granted.

Muslims have no love lost for Modi, BJP or RSS. This is no surprise given the level of indoctrination that Muslim society is subjected by their maulanas (clergy), seminaries, political leadership, Urdu press, Marxist academics and national media. It is common knowledge that bulk of Muslims vote with only one objective in mind – to defeat BJP. This is euphemistically called ‘tactical voting’ by our political pundits, unlike Hindu consolidation which is criticized as ’communal polarization.’

The so-called Muslim veto has finally been vetoed by a united Hindu vote. It is time for Muslims to introspect and trigger the much-needed reform in their society to integrate with the national mainstream.   

The mandate in UP is the stamp of approval on what left-liberals demonize as the ‘Hindutva agenda’ – but which is actually an agenda for law & order, good governance, parity in education & management of religious institutions, repeal of myriad sectarian laws cooked up by the Nehruvian establishment, and a civilizational renaissance. A critical mass of Hindus whom we know by different names, viz. Dalits, Jats, OBCs, etc. could clearly see the big picture and did what sane people would do – voted for BJP to save themselves and their families from a real fear emanating out of demographic realities. This fear made them abandon their other preferences such as caste, loyalty to a party or leader… everything else took a backseat and the survival instinct of the Hindus of UP made sure that BJP wins, and wins by a huge margin.

Yes, it’s true that BJP has been doing a great amount of pro-Dalit work, but that alone didn’t cause Mayawati’s downfall. Her short-sighted political analysis of the dynamics of UP did. Same is the story for Mulayam & Akhilesh. Along with anti- incumbency factor, there was also a factor of Muslim appeasement which primarily worked against them. Even during the run up to the assembly polls, both Maya and Mulayam left no stone unturned in appeasing Muslim fundamentalists. The results are before us all.

This is a vote for Svaabhimaan (self-respect) first, Vikas (development) second.

Also, it is prudent to remind ourselves that the vote-share for BJP+ in UP 2017 was 41.4%, while the combined vote-share for BSP, SP and Congress was 50.2%. We have a lot of work ahead to educate each and every Hindu about the Hindutva agenda. And barring the legislatures, the other constitutional institutions are still firmly in the grip of the Nehruvian establishment.


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Emergence of sociocultural norms restricting intermarriage (endogamy) coincides with foreign invasions of Bharat

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In an excellent article in PNAS by Basu et al. (1), the authors have undertaken an impressive genomic reconstruction of the history of extant populations of Bharat. However, some limitations still remain in the sampling: the lack of genetic analysis of the patrilineal/matrilineal exogamous gotras, and the use of certain parametric values in the analysis of data presented.

Basu et al. (1) suggest that the historical period of formulation and adoption of sociocultural norms restricting intermarriage in large social strata (endogamy) coincides with the ancient regime of the Guptas. Upon using alternative, historically more appropriate, generation time parameters, another explanation that is more plausible emerges which cannot be ruled out, that endogamy originated around the time of foreign invasions of Bharat.

The arbitrary generation time parameter of 22.5 y used in the study is unsupported by evidence and is historically unsubstantiated. The near universality of marriage at a very early age in the study populations’ history posits that generation times were more likely in the range of 13–18 y, until a generation or two ago (2) (scienceblogs.com/gregladen/2011/03/01/how-long-is-a-generation/, accessed February 16, 2016).

If a generation time parameter of 22.5 y is used and one selected value of 70 generations before present alone is used, the time period in history does indeed appear to fall during the Gupta period. The Guptas reign was restricted to the northern plains, whereas different kingdoms unrelated to the Guptas ruled the vast regions of the south and southwest. Thus, the Guptas could not have enforced endogamy in the south. The authors themselves admit that the abrupt start of endogamy in the east of Bharat appears to have started during the reign of the Buddhist Pala dynasty, after the Gupta period. Thus, the onset of endogamy in the east of Bharat as well cannot be explained as a consequence of an edict from the Hindu Gupta dynasty enforcing “Vedic Brahmanism of Hinduism.”

Upon using alternative, historically more appropriate, generation time parameters (Table 1), another explanation that is more plausible emerges, that is, endogamy originated around the time of foreign invasions of Bharat (Fig. 1). The population of Bharat was estimated to be about 100–140 million 2,300 y ago and remained at about 100 million as late as 400 y ago. During this entire period of 1,900 y, Bharat remained the largest economy in the world, followed by China.

There are no recorded calamities in the history of Bharat that could have kept the population stagnant and prevented it from growing despite a continuously booming economy (2, 3). Such invasions involved complete destruction of populations and their centers of learning, scholarly work, and culture (universities, schools, and temples), such as the ancient Nalanda University and Somnath temple, to give a couple of examples.

A hugely disrupted Bharatiya society might have thus been a very fertile receptive ground for the induction of a new social order. The newly established social order could have been influenced by the invading foreign cultures, because there are known genetic markers for such endogamous grouping within Islamic societies (4, 5).

Table 1.

Estimates of time (in generations before present and in years) of contribution of each of the ancestral components to the populations considered –

Population Ancestral North Indian Ancestral Austro-Asiatic Ancestral South Indian Ancestral Tibeto-Burman
Gujarati Brahmin NA 69.3833 69.3265 *
 13 902 901
 15 1,041 1,040
 18 1,249 1,248
West Bengal Brahmin NA 69.5409 68.3778 63.3518
 13 904 889 824
 15 1,043 1,026 950
 18 1,252 1,231 1,140
Maratha NA 48.7989 48.92 *
 13 634 636
 15 732 734
 18 878 881
Iyer NA 69.1751 71.699 *
 13 899 932
 15 1,038 1,075
 18 1,245 1,291
Pallan NA 74.3893 76.1979 *
 13 967 991
 15 1,116 1,143
 18 1,339 1,372
Kadar 47.5509 60.7911 NA *
 13 618 790
 15 713 912
 18 856 1,094
Irula 39.4951 49.8475 NA *
 13 513 648
 15 592 748
 18 711 897
Gond 77.6637 91.9575 70.509 58.1287
 13 1,010 1,195 917 756
 15 1,165 1,379 1,058 872
 18 1,398 1,655 1,269 1,046
Ho 54.0405 NA 67.8753 52.9333
 13 703 882 688
 15 811 1,018 794
 18 973 1,222 953
Santal 54.8661 NA 71.5929 61.5647
 13 713 931 800
 15 823 1,074 923
 18 988 1,289 1,108
Korwa 46.5407 NA 55.7532 46.6478
 13 605 725 606
 15 698 836 700
 18 838 1,004 840
Manipuri Brahmin 69.7002 67.6769 70.4008 NA
 13 906 880 915
 15 1,046 1,015 1,056
 18 1,255 1,218 1,267
Tharu 62.7826 65.2317 72.9749 NA
 13 816 848 949
 15 942 978 1,095
 18 1,130 1,174 1,314
Tripuri 65.1124 69.6447 70.5565 NA
 13 846 905 917
 15 977 1,045 1,058
 18 1,172 1,254 1,270
  • The numbers 13, 15, and 18 are historically more appropriate generation times; the units of corresponding values in cells below generations before present are years. NA, not applicable.

  • * The contribution of the ancestral component is too low for reliable estimation of time depth.

Figure 1.

Map of Islamic dynasties of Bharat with their extent over relevant time periods. Image courtesy of Javier Fernandez-Vina (Florida International University, Miami, FL)

Footnotes

  • Author: Murali KV (A medic and a graduate of the University of Cambridge, England,  involved in inter-disciplinary research for the inculcation of a scientific rigour in the outdated  fields of humanities: putting “science” into social sciences)

References

  1.   Basu A, Sarkar-Roy N, Majumder PP (2016) Genomic reconstruction of the history of extant populations of India reveals five distinct ancestral components and a complex structure. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 113(6):1594–1599 Abstract/FREE Full Text
  2.   Romaniuk A (2013) Glimpses of Indian historical demography. Can Stud Popul 40(3–4):248–251. Google Scholar
  3.  Sussman GD (2011) Was the black death in India and China? Bull Hist Med 85(3):319–355
  4.  Aarzoo SS, Afzal M (2005) Gene diversity in some Muslim populations of North India. Hum Biol 77(3):343–353. CrossRef    Medline    Google Scholar
  5.  Ambedkar BR (1941) Thoughts on Pakistan (Thacker and Company Limited, Bombay), pp 221–224.    Google Scholar

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‘Secular’ Narrative In Bharat’s English Language Media

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Secular Narrative

The recent state elections in UP which appear to be throwing a decisive verdict in favor of BJP, have brought law and order in the state to the center-stage, especially after BJP leaders Amit Shah and PM Narendra Modi publicly railed against deterioration of law and order in UP under Akhilesh Yadav’s administration. Only then the ELM (English Language media) picked it up.

People of UP have been suffering from increased crime, violence, extortion for 5 years, however this did not make it to the ELM as a big issue. It is surprising, considering the fact that UP is a huge state next to New Delhi, and politically important as it sends the most MPs to Parliament.  Or rather, the media wanted their viewers to have a fairy tale view of their favourite ‘secular’ poster child, Akhilesh Yadav. Meanwhile in UP, the Yadav leaders in power have become so brazen that they did not stop their extortion racket even before the 2017 elections. A native of UP tweeted:

Secular crime in UP

Extent of criminality in UP is so deep and vast that a  UP cabinet minister, Gayatri Prajapati,  is accused of rape of a minor and is charged with POCSO. He, a cabinet minister with security detail, is missing and the UP police is unable to track him. So UP police did what bullies know best, go after the victim and interviewed her again. The victim’s family is complaining of intimidation by the police and they claim that the victim has been questioned four times already.

If something of this magnitude happened in any BJP-ruled state, all the studios would have been outraging about women’s rights, child rights, crimes ad nauseum. Remember the hours spent by all major ELM channels outraging about Akhlaq, even though that crime also took place in the same SP-ruled UP? What we see here is silence. Silence is compliance and complicity of the media. All this silence enables the jungle raj of Akhilesh Yadav.

It is not just the case of UP, we can see similar non-reporting of news of violence and murders from Kerala.  Another ‘secular’ party CPI(M) is ruling Kerala. Under Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, Kerala has seen unprecedented political violence and political murders. Many BJP workers are hacked to death in Kannur, Kerala and you would not know any of this if you watch the regular news channels, because the rulers of Kerala are ‘seculars’.

In Bharat, ‘Secular’ has become a fig leaf to indulge in unrestrained corruption, criminality, extortion and worse. And the so called ‘Media watchdogs’ turn a blind eye to these ‘secular’ acts. It is no surprise that people are losing trust in the media.


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Temples under Secular Government: Case study of Tripunithura

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Tripunithura

The ancient and rich temples of Bharat have been the birthplace of controversies ever since their administration was taken over by the secular government. The common accusation made by the devotees on the secular government is that the practices introduced by the government with the motive of better administration are more focused on turning them into tourist spots, rather than maintaining their sanctity as a place of worship.

Let us have a detailed analysis over this claim by comparing the situation of Sri Poornatrayeesha Temple at Tripunithura, Kochi – a temple earlier under the King of Cochin and now under the secular government.

The Poornathreyeesha temple at Tripunithura in the Ernakulam district of Kerala is one of the most important temples in Kerala. Poornathrayeesha is the patron deity of Cochin royal family who ruled that region and hence the administration of the temple was completely taken care of by the royal family before the takeover of the temple by the secular government. The deity is worshipped as Santana Gopala Murthi, a rare form of Vishnu associated with children.

The legend states that the deity was installed by Arjuna himself in Dvapara Yuga. Since Arjuna was from Kuru dynasty, the Cochin royalty was also known as Kuru Swaroopam or Kuru royalty after their association with the temple. The Cochin rulers were considered as the direct descendants of the last Chera king who ruled unified Kerala, and thus they were the highest ranking Kshatriyas of Kerala.

The name Poornathrayeesha refers to the Lord of 3 complete Vedas and Tripunithura was earlier known as Poornavedapuri or the region of 3 complete Vedas. The 3 Vedas refers to Rig, Sama and Yajur Vedas, excluding the last Atharva Veda. This might hint at an ancient tradition when Tripunithura was center of learning the first 3 Vedas. Some sources suggest that Tripunithura was also known as Vedanadu or the land of Vedas.

The members of the Cochin royal family were patrons of Sanskrit tradition and the royalty has produced many Sanskrit scholars and poets who authored many works.  Among them, Vira Kerala Varma who lived during 18th century must be specially mentioned. He authored works like Poornatrayeeshashataka, Dashavatarashlokamala, various Attakathas (stories composed to suit the art-form of Kathakali) etc. His court was adorned by various other Sanskrit scholars like Arur Atithiri, Muthukurussi Bhaskara, Itavettikattu Narayanan Namboothiri, Cheranallur Krishnan Kartha, Elayitathu Narayanan Namboothiri etc. This Vira Kerala Varma was a follower of Madhva philosophy from Karnataka.

Just like Vira Kerala Varma, a female member of the Cochin royal family named Subhadra or Ikku Amma Thampuran was also a great scholar and poet. She authored works like Poornatrayeeshastotra, Poornatrayeeshakeshadipadavarnana etc. She was also interested in Nyaya school of logic and also Vykarana or study of Sanskrit grammar. Thus both male and female members of the Cochin family were masters of Sanskrit knowledge contradicting the popular claim of many left liberals that Hindu monarchs always denied education to women in their family.

The royalty also supported different traditional artforms. Nangyar koothu, Chakyar Koothu, Chenda Melam, Kudiyattam, Kathakali and various Thullals which were held in the Poornatrayeesha temple during festivals.  Along with these other art forms like Kurattiyattam, Ramayananatakam etc were also held, and these latter ones were performed by so called ‘non Brahmanical’ communities contradicting the liberal myth of Brahminical oppression where they claim that only upper castes were given access to traditional art forms. Most of these art forms have now disappeared without proper patronage after the takeover of the temple by the government.

The King of Cochin always had a friendly approach towards his subjects. This is apparent from the fact that representatives of the scheduled castes were given dignified positions in the procession day of Attachamayam at Tripunithura.  Committed to social welfare, Rajarshi Rama Varma constructed the railway line from Shoranur to Kochi. The King requested the British Government to extend the line for which the British advised him to raise the finances by imposing extra tax on his people to meet the expenses.

But unwilling to burden his subjects with extra tax, on top of the heavy tax they were already paying under the pressure exerted by the British, Rajarshi  found a solution to the problem by deciding to sell 14 out of the 15 nettipattams (golden caparisons) used to adorn the temple elephants during the festivals. This was largely opposed by his family members and the devotees, but the King convinced them by explaining the pressure he was facing from the British and the extreme importance of the railway line which was about to be constructed.

Recently, a controversy arose when the secular state government of Kerala decided to sell the only ancient nettipattam in order to make a new one by stating that it had become difficult for them to adorn the elephant using it due to the large size of the elephants’ forehead. When this theory was quashed by the local devotees, various endowment officers in the temple compared their act of lobbying to sell this priceless heritage, with the above act of Rajarshi. Is the secular state government saying it is under the same pressure faced by Rajarshi from the British, in order to be making such a comparison?

Vrischikolsavam is the most important festival of this temple. Among the eight days of this festival, there are special functions on certain days. The fourth day of this festival is known as Trikettapurappaat (procession on the day of Triketta). Expenses of the festival on different days were divided among different groups of people, and different sub committees were formed for the management of various aspects of the festival like food, stage performances etc. These groups were given all the powers such that one among them even punished Sakthan Tampuran, the famous King of Cochin known for starting the Thrissur Pooram festival, quashing the accusation of the King having all the authorities to indulge in misdeeds without any supervisions, as made by the left liberal sections of society. Now, the arrangements of the festival are done entirely by the organisations currently running the temple, which has witnessed various accusations of less transparency in the past few decades.

During Vrischikolsavam, Seeveli (holy procession) of the deity at noon and night with 15 elephants is a colourful event. Percussion arts, ritual as well as entertainment, all happen during this procession. After the takeover of the temple by the government, the festival of Vrischikolsavam, though still being celebrated in a grand manner, has seen the rise of so many controversies from the disappearance of certain art forms to the lobbying controversy over the ancient nettipattam.

The accusations of corruption and practices unhealthy for democracy, which were cited as the major reasons for the takeover of the temple, have now resurfaced in the light of these controversies as the government authorities taking care of the administration of the temple are not answerable to the community.

The Poornatrayeesha temple, which is slowly losing its heritage and traditional values, is one among the many temples of Bharat which are being converted into tourist spots rather than being maintained as places of worship by the secular government. It is now upto us Hindus to question the unconstitutional acts which are  currently taking place in the temples that connect us with our ancestors through their traditions and cultural heritage.

References: “The Royal Family of Cochin and Sanskrit Studies” (An Anthology in Honour of Ramavarma Pariksit Tampuran)

Disclaimer: This article represents the opinions of the Author, and the Author is responsible for ensuring the factual veracity of the content. HinduPost will not be responsible for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information, contained herein.


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Status of minority rights of Hindus and tribal religions in states of Bharat with non-Hindu majority – Part 2

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Minority Rights

Demography: Hindus as a minority in Bharat

As per the Census 2011 data18, Hindus are a minority in no less than seven states and one union territory in Bharat, as represented in the table. Many more states such as Kerala, Assam, Goa and West Bengal also have a very high “minority” population.

State Hindu population “Minority” population Dominant Religion
Jammu & Kashmir 28.44% 71.56% Islam
Lakshadweep 2.77% 97.23% Islam
Punjab 38.4% 61.6% Sikhism
Arunachal Pradesh 29% 71% Christianity
Mizoram 2.75% 97.25% Christianity
Manipur 41.39% 58.61% Christianity
Meghalaya 11.53% 88.47% Christianity
Nagaland 8.75% 91.25% Christianity

Status Of Hindu And Tribal Minorities In States With Non-Hindu Majority

In numerous judgments including the Kerala Education Bill Case (1957), the DAV College Case19 and TMA Pai Foundation Case, The Supreme Court has upheld the principle of safeguarding the educational rights of the minorities enshrined in Article 30(1) of the Constitution, and in Bal Patil & Anr vs Union of India & Ors, it stated that “since reorganization of States in India has been on linguistic lines, therefore, for the purpose of determining the minority, the unit will be the State and NOT THE WHOLE OF INDIA”.

In the TMA Pai Case, the Supreme Court held that “a minority either linguistic or religious is determinable only by reference to demography of the State and not by taking into consideration the population of the country as a whole”.10 This also applies to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Under Articles 341 to 342, the President is empowered to draw up a list in consultation with the Governor of each State, subject to revision by Parliament.

103rd Amendment Bill 2004 – put in cold storage

In 2004, the UPA Government introduced the Constitution (103rd Amendment) Bill that seeks to have State-wisupose minority status rather than national status, in line with Supreme Court Judgments. As per the provisions of this Bill, minorities in the State would be decided through a Presidential notification in consultation with the State Government.

The Constitution (One Hundred and Third Amendment) Bill, 2004 along with National Commission for Minorities (Repeal) Bill, 2004 was introduced in Lok Sabha on 23.12.2004. The National Commission for Minorities (Repeal) Bill, 2004 repealed the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992. It proposed to dissolve the National Commission for Minorities. The Constitution (One Hundred and Third Amendment) Bill, 2004 proposed to establish a new National Commission for Minorities, with a constitutional status, in order to inspire greater confidence towards the effectiveness of the Commission.

As per the 103rd Amendment Bill, states would be asked for their view, on the basis of data available, as to who is a minority. They would be consulted by the President of Bharat, who would then notify the minorities in that state. While the President is to consult the states, he would not be bound to act on their advice. The Bills were referred to the Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment under the Chairmanship of Smt. Sumitra Mahajan, and the committee submitted its report on February 21, 2006 in which it recommended that the Supreme Court’s directives in the case of Bal Patil & anr vs Union of India should be considered in its entirety. 20,21

The Bill was stiffly opposed by existing “minorities” on the grounds that implementing the Supreme Court judgments to notify Hindus as a minority community in states where the national minority was in majority, would amount to “obfuscating the issue”. The BJP opposed it on the grounds that the country has already been divided enough on religious grounds. 22,23 The 103rd Amendment Bill was not presented in the last session of the 14th Lok Sabha on February 2009 and was allowed to lapse and was not reintroduced during the rest of the UPA term until 2014.

Narendra Modi Government’s stand on Minority Commissions and on Hindus and native tribal religions being declared minorities

Shri Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, the Minister of State in the Ministry of Minority Affairs, in Lok Sabha on 12 August 2015 stated that the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Orissa, Sikkim and UTs of Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Chandigarh, Daman & Diu, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Lakshadweep and Puducherry have not yet set up a Minority Commission in their respective States/UTs. He said that the NCM Act does not extend to state of Jammu & Kashmir. Tripura has passed a Bill in this regard on 26.11.2008 which awaits assent of the President.

In so far as the Central Government is concerned, he stated that Hindus have not been declared as a minority community under Section 2(c) of National Commission for Minorities (NCM) Act, 1992 and that setting up of Minority Commissions by the State Governments was a State subject and no time frame could be fixed for formation of Minority Commissions by State Governments as it was for them to decide. 24

The stand taken by BJP on the 103rd Amendment Bill is contrary to the public demands of minority status for Hindus made by both the BJP and the RSS25. Judging from Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi’s statement and the BJP’s opposition to the Bill in 2007, unless there is a major rethink, it is unlikely that the Narendra Modi Government will reintroduce the 103rd Amendment Bill in Parliament.

Punjab – Sikh majority

As per the Census 2011 data, Hindus constitute 38.4% of the population of Punjab and are a religious minority in the state. However, they enjoy no such benefits that accrue to minorities in Bharat. On the contrary, Sikhs, the dominant religious and economic group in the state, enjoy minority benefits. In DAV College Bhatinda vs State of Punjab and Ors26, the Supreme Court rejected the contention that since Hindus were a majority in Bharat, they could not be a religious minority in the State of Punjab, and held that the State is the unit to determine whether the Hindus were a minority community.

However, the state of Punjab has not notified the minority Hindu community to enable them to avail the rights of a minority. Do Sikhs, the dominant religious and economic community of Punjab, a notified minority, constitute a minority in Punjab? The Punjab Government notified SGPC as a minority institution, which was challenged in Court. The Supreme Court is currently hearing the matter, and this has opened up a can of worms.

The Supreme Court has also asked the question: do Christians constitute minority in the North Eastern states where they are in majority? And it has asked the state governments to file their replies27. Those replies are interesting too, as we shall see later in the article.

Jammu & Kashmir – Muslim majority

As per the 2011 Census, Muslims are 68.31% of the population of the state. Due to its special status under the Constitution, J&K has its own constitution that does not even provide for minority rights. The NCM Act too does not apply to J&K. To correct this obvious discrepancy, minority Hindu and other religious groups in the state of J&K have been fighting for minority status since several years. It may be pointed out that the proposals were put forward to Farooq Abdullah and L K Advani as well, and no decision was taken by them on this issue, despite the J&K unit of BJP itself making this demand on several occasions. 28

Finally, Jammu-based advocate Ankur Sharma approached the Supreme Court of Bharat in January 2016 and sought its intervention so that the minority Hindus in Jammu & Kashmir got benefits which minority communities in the rest of the country, including Sikhs and Jains, enjoy. The PIL which he filed said that benefits accruing to minorities were being taken away by Muslims who were in a majority in Jammu and Kashmir. The PIL also said that rights of religious and linguistic “minorities” in the State were being “siphoned off illegally and arbitrarily” due to extension of benefits to “unqualified sections” of the population.

The PIL, in addition, urged the Supreme Court to direct the authorities in the state and at the Centre to set up a “State Minority Commission for identification of minorities”. As per the PIL, the communities which were eligible to be notified as minorities, were not awarded their due share of scholarship owing to their non-identification as minorities, thereby jeopardizing their Constitutionally guaranteed rights enshrined under Part III of the Constitution of Bharat. “This clearly reflects the unfairness and discrimination of the State towards the communities in the state of Jammu and Kashmir which are eligible to be notified as minorities,” the PIL said.

The PIL also sought directions to consider extension of National Commission for Minorities (NCM) Act, 1992 to Jammu and Kashmir, and make amendments so that benefits available to minorities of other States could also be given to the minorities of J&K, and to “appoint a committee of experts functioning under the direct supervision of this court to submit a comprehensive report identifying communities of the State of Jammu and Kashmir which qualify as religious and linguistic minorities.”

The PIL urged the apex court to “Constitute a Special Investigation Team (SIT) headed by a High Court Judge (retired) working under direct supervision of this Court for investigating the illegal and arbitrary disbursement of minority benefits under the Prime Minister’s 15 Point Programme to the communities”.28,29,30

The J&K Government has opposed the PIL and submitted an affidavit to this effect. J&K’s Minister for Social Welfare Sajad Gani Lone told the legislative council that there was no need to establish a minority commission in the state, while rejecting demands from BJP legislators. “Such demands will add fire. Jammu has a Hindu majority and Kashmir has a Muslim majority. We cannot declare minorities at block levels and have to follow national criteria,” Lone said.29

The Narendra Modi Government at the Centre has not filed any affidavit, angering the local Hindu community who expected them to file an affidavit in support of their long-standing demand. The case again came up for consideration recently, but the Centre again failed to give its opinion on this important case. As a result, the Supreme Court imposed a cost of Rs. 30,000 on the Centre for not filing its reply to a PIL.

A bench comprising Chief Justice J S Khehar and Justice N V Ramana allowed the counsel for the Centre to file the response after depositing the cost within two weeks, and noted that a fine of Rs. 15,000 was also imposed last time for the same reason.31 The matter is pending before the Court, and a decision on this in favour of Hindus could be pathbreaking for similar rights to be granted to them in other states where they are in minority.

Mizoram – Christian majority

The Christian Churches of Mizoram have, over the past 20 years, converted the natives of the state on a massive scale, and presently, 87.16% of the population of the state is Christian. Non-Christians are in a constant state of persecution and pressure to convert, and enjoy no protection under the law.32 The legal benefits that should be available to a threatened minority, are perversely enjoyed by the dominant Christian community that is engaged in evangelizing the minority aggressively.33

In a 2011 article, RSS ideologue and a key member of BJP’s think tank, Ram Madhav, wrote an article describing the persecution of the Reang tribe of Mizoram. He stated, “They are the non-Christian tribe, whose original name is Bru. They inhabited the southern parts of the Christian dominated state of Mizoram. Being non-Christian in a Christian state had its price. Repeatedly subjected to persecution at the hands of the Mizo population as well as the political dispensation, the Reangs – or the Bru people – were finally hounded out of the state during prolonged communal strife in 1997. It is 14 years since they had become refugees in their own land. Escaping from the marauders, thousands of Reangs – men, women and children – fled into the neighbouring state of Tripura. For the last 14 years they have been living there in 7 different relief camps.” Their crime? The Brus had been demanding an autonomous council for themselves to escape years of persecution.

Ram Madhav writes, “For a long time they had been facing acute hardships at the hands of the majority Mizos in the areas where they traditionally lived. This discrimination reached its crescendo when the lists containing the names of the Bru people as voters had been mysteriously burnt down in a fire accident. In the subsequent re-enumeration, names of hundreds of Bru people were deliberately omitted. This forced the Bru leaders to go in for the demand of autonomous council in order to protect and preserve their identity.” 34

The movement turned violent with the formation of BNLF.35,36 After twelve years of repeated negotiations from 2001 onwards, in 2013, the Mizoram government again rejected the demand for an autonomous council.37 The Revolutionary Democratic Party of Mizoram has also filed a PIL to get the names of Bru refugees struck off the electoral rolls of Mizoram on the grounds that they are settled in Tripura now.38

The Narendra Modi Government has thereafter made sincere attempts at solving this longstanding vexed issue and sanctioned Rs.680 crores for the rehabilitation of Brus. Replying to an unstarred question raised by a Congress MP in the Rajya Sabha on December 23, 2015, Union Minister of State in the Ministry of Home Affairs, Kiren Rijiju, disclosed, “Due to ethnic violence in the Western part of Mizoram in October, 1997, about 30,000 Brus (5,000 families) migrated to North Tripura in 1997-98. As on date, approximately 8573 Brus (1622 families) have been repatriated. The Ministry of Home Affairs with the co-operation of the State Governments of Mizoram and Tripura has taken measures for return of Brus to Mizoram.”39

However, these numbers were disputed heavily by all parties concerned, with some contending that only one woman had gone back to her home village. 40 Presently, the process of identification of the refugees has taken off in earnest and as of November 2016, at least 26,903 Brus were identified as bonafide residents of Mizoram and the first batch of 40 families at Kaskau camp have also come forward for identification, ending 16 years of deadlocked negotiations.41,42,43,44 The light at the end of the tunnel is getting brighter for the displaced Brus who are finally being repatriated after two decades as refugees in their own land.

However, the non-Christian minorities of Mizoram continue to face an existential crisis in the state and do not enjoy any protection despite their rapidly depleting numbers. In May, an explosion caused by a bomb made from a bundle of gelatine sticks ripped through a temple inside the premises of the 26th battalion Assam Rifles in Aizawl, on the day when the opposition Mizo National Front (MNF) was organising a rally called ‘Milem Biak Duhloh Kawngzawh’ or ‘Anti-Idol Worshipping Rally.’45 Despite violent attacks on non-Christians and their religious places in the State, the Mizoram Government has not notified any community as a minority and has not formed a Minority Commission in the State nor offered any protection to them.

Meghalaya – Christian majority

As per the Census 2011, 74.59% of the population of Meghalaya is Christian. The State of Meghalaya does not provide any scheme or law to protect the rights of the religious minorities, instead preferring to maintain that they come under Scheduled Tribes and hence cannot be granted benefits rightfully due to religious minorities. The Seng Khasi and Sein Raij Jowai tribes of Meghalaya, a religious minority in the State, have repeatedly represented the case of tribal faith groups of Meghalaya.46

On 22nd July 2014, the Ministry of Minority Affairs of the Narendra Modi government issued a notification with regard to the representation of Seng Khasi tribe for Minority Status, in which it asked the Government of Meghalaya to take a decision on the representation as per the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992.47

In April 2015, the matter was represented to the Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and the Union Ministry of Minorities Affairs forwarded the same to the Chief Minister of Meghalaya for appropriate action.48 However, the government of Meghalaya did not bother to respond to the representations of the religious minorities, who were in 2015 forced to move the Meghalaya High Court again, claiming that they were being deprived of their fundamental rights and human rights guaranteed under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of Bharat.

The legal counsel of the Center and State told the Court that though the order of the Court had been forwarded to the concerned Ministry, no instruction had been received till date. The Court in its order of 15 December 2015, stated that “We take a serious note of the matter and issue notice with direction to the respondents to show cause as to why the Central Government not be directed to hold inquiry into the allegation that the minority tribes in Meghalaya are being deprived of their entitlements as the aforesaid without any ostensible valid ground”. It directed that “during the pendency of this petition, before the next date of hearing, all the pending representations filed by all or any such minority tribes whether Niam Khasi in Khasi Hills or Niam Tre in Jaintia, or Sansarik, Koch, Hajong, Rabha and others in Garo Hills, shall be disposed of by the Respondents on merit and the State Government shall ensure that there is no deprivation or denial of their entitlements on the grounds of caste, creed, religion, tribe and clan etc., nor is there any allurement/inducement or pressure causing any interference with their culture and religious faith or any other fundamental and human rights”.49,50,51,52

The State Government of Meghalaya assured the court in January 2016 that it would appoint a high-powered committee to look into the matter and come to a decision. What happened subsequently? In March 2016, the Meghalaya Government represented to the Supreme Court during hearings on the Punjab Sikh reservation case, that “Christians did not constitute a minority in Meghalaya and hence were not entitled to its benefits” – as they avail only ST Certificates. The Law Department official said that “when the case of pending demand for minority status to Niam Khasi and Niam Tre came up, the stand of the Government was that there was no instance of issuing minority certificates to the Niam Khasi and Niam Tre as the indigenous people in Meghalaya, irrespective of religious affiliations, avail only ST certificates”.53

Looking at a larger picture in this case, the Christian government has sacrificed its non-existent minority status in Meghalaya to deny a religious minority status to non-Christian tribes. It would make perfect sense when seen in another context – STs retain their rights even after conversion to Christianity. A denial of acknowledgement of religious rights of non-Christian minorities points to the real intent, that of denial of the right of any religion other than Christianity to exist.  This also indicates that conversion of the remaining native tribes will continue unabated, and their non-Christian identity will be wiped out as an instrument of state policy under the cover of maintaining their tribal status. Thankfully, the tribes have organized into a mass movement with quiet support from the RSS and the VHP since the 1970s, and this may not be the last we will hear about this issue.54,55,56,57

Manipur – Christian dominance

The Manipur State Minorities Commission Act 2010 defines minorities as a community notified as such by the State Government under section, 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 as well as the Community/Communities notified by the State Government based upon the circumstances/conditions prevailing in the State.58 However, despite being a minority community in the state of Manipur, the State has not notified Hindus for availing any of the benefits of a minority and all efforts of the State of Manipur are towards improvement of already dominant majority communities of the State under the guise of “protecting the interests of the minority”.

Representatives of all religions except Hindus are appointed on the Board of the Manipur State Minority Commission. In January 2016, Mr Syed Burhanuddin was appointed Chairman of the Minority Commission.59 A perusal of the Annual Administrative Report of the Government of Manipur Department for the Welfare of Minorities and Other Backward Classes clearly shows that the dominant Christian community is cornering all the benefits meant for the minorities in the State.

  • Minority pre-matric scholarship was offered to 11426 nos. of Christian, 2598 nos. of Muslims, 30 nos. of Buddhist, 26 nos. of Sikhs, 13 nos. of Parsis and 23 nos. of Jains, and Minority post-matric scholarship was offered to 1904 nos. of Christian, 493 nos. of Muslims, 05 nos. of Buddhist, 04 nos. of Sikhs, 04 nos. for Jains and 02 nos. of Parsis.
  • 59 Muslims, 229 Christians, 1 Sikh and 1 Buddhist were offered Minority Merit cum Means Based Scholarship (100% CSS).
  • An amount of Rs. 200.00 lakhs was encashed and released to the Wakf Board, Manipur for Educational Activities; Social Welfare Activities; Modernization of Madrassa and other related expenses of the Board during 2014-2015, and a sum of Rs. 30 lakhs was sanctioned for Hajj pilgrimage and other related expenses.
  • The following allotments were made towards development of the OBCs, which include Muslim OBCs: Rs. 280 lakhs for Post Matric scholarship to 4014 students, Rs.51.98 lakh for Pre-Matric scholarship to 5081 students, Rs.35 lakhs for socio-economic development schemes for OBCs., and a fraction of them enjoy a few government schemes by virtue of being OBCs. 60

In 2011, the appointment of a Christian member Rev N. Debendra Singh to the minority commission came after the request and recommendation of the Christian Council. Dr. John Dayal, AICC Secretary General, and Rev. Madhu Chandra, AICC Public Relation Officer and Spokesperson of North East Support Centre & Helpline, demanded this representation on the board of the Minority Commission alleging “human rights violations against Christian minorities” – laughable, considering that they are in majority in the state. 61,61

In a December 2016 “bandh” organized by locals in Imphal, miscreants vandalized some glass panes of the Manipur Baptist Convention Center Church. This incident was enough for the National Council of Churches in India to write to the Prime Minister alleging that “such violent incidents stemming from socio-political or religious fundamentalism, communalism and bigotry, cause the erosion of values of secularism and a diminished sense of security or ease” further stating that “the secular fabric is being threatened and the peace of the land is in danger, we assert the provisions in our precious constitution about freedom of expression, religion and life”. They “earnestly and urgently” appealed to the state and national authorities to:

  • Protect the Church from being subjected to atrocities and vandalism;
  • Protect religious freedom and religious minorities in North-East India;
  • Form Inter-religious peace forums to strengthen and promote communal harmony;
  • Install specific programs to foster mutual respect across all sections of society;
  • Stop the violence caused by divisive elements in society.
  • Repeal the bills that are against the interests of the tribal people in this area. 63,64

In other words, a constant narrative of Christian persecution is sought to be maintained at all times, even when in majority: whether it is the truth or not is a different story altogether. And every minor incident, even if unrelated, can and will be used to further the allegations of persecution, and to push the agenda of the Church further ahead.

Nagaland – Christian majority (over 93% of population)

Vice Chairperson of the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) Dr. HT Sangliana, who represents the Christian community, in 2011 said that Nagaland should set up a State Commission for Minorities where a Christian member can be the chairperson or president and others can be members of the commission and facilitate annual general budget, subsidies, funds and scholarships. 65 Here, we have an example of a state that is 93% Christian appointing a Christian as President of its Minorities Commission!

There are long-standing demands of the Heraka – Zeliangrong, Meitei and various other tribes who are struggling to maintain their traditional culture and religion against the might of the Christian conversion juggernaut, for protection as minorities.66 However, the State government has done nothing to grant any protection to these tiny minorities. On the contrary, Christian intimidation, persecution and conversion of the tribes is continuing relentlessly. In August 2015, a Heraka temple was defiled and demolished in the village of the Chief Minister of Nagaland by Church activists.67

Clearly, the real minorities in the State of Nagaland are under severe threat and enjoy no protection whatsoever, let alone benefits, that should rightly accrue to an endangered minority. Meanwhile, the overwhelming Christian majority of 93% also corners various schemes and programs meant for the minorities in the state of Nagaland.68,69

Arunachal Pradesh – Christian majority

The rise of Christianity in Arunachal Pradesh from near-zero two decades back to the largest religion in Arunachal Pradesh has been meteoric. Hindus are a minority in the state, but as in the other states, have never enjoyed any rights that these powerful global “minorities” do elsewhere in Bharat. Of grave concern to national security is the rise of the Greater Nagalim movement to try and assimilate the Arunachalis under the Naga banner, though they have nothing in common with Nagas – this movement that has been undertaken since the early 1990s is essentially a Baptist movement to unify the various tribes under one banner, to bring forth the “Kingdom of Christ” and eliminate the rich variety of traditions that have survived since centuries.70

The “Minority Concentration Districts” in Arunachal Pradesh notified in 2007 by the UPA Government are: 71

District Hindus Christians Others
East Kameng 15.67% 47.19% 37.14%
Lower Subansiri 11.5% 41.43% 47.07%
Changlang 32.17% 24.27% 43.36%
Tirap 18.47% 74.45% 7.08%

Except for Changlang which has a higher Buddhist population, the other districts have a clear dominance of Christian religion and Hindus are in minority. Yet, the huge number of schemes planned for these districts do not benefit the minority Hindu community and further enrich the dominant Christians.

Does the Supreme Court want to do away with notified minorities?

B R Ambedkar, the Father of the Bharatiya Constitution, made the following observations: “Speaking for myself, I have no doubt that the Constituent Assembly has done wisely in providing such safeguards for minorities as it has done. In this country both the minorities and the majorities have followed a wrong path. It is wrong for the majority to deny the existence of minorities. It is equally wrong for the minorities to perpetuate themselves. A solution must be found which will serve a double purpose. It must recognize the existence of minorities to start with. It must also be such that it will enable majorities and minorities to merge some day into one.” 72

In the Constituent Assembly debate, Sardar Patel stated, “If the process that was adopted which resulted in the separation of the country is to be repeated, then I say: those who want to have a place in Pakistan and not here. Here, we are building a nation and we are laying a foundation of One Nation, and those who choose to divide again and sow the seeds of disruption will have no place, no quarter here and I must say plainly enough”. Even Jawaharlal Nehru opposed the idea of a communal quota, saying, “A safeguard of this kind would have some point where there was autocratic or foreign rule, it would enable the monarch to play one community off against the other.”73

In the Bal Patil Case, the Honourable judges of the Supreme Court have observed:

“Commissions set up for minorities have to direct their activities to maintain integrity and unity of India by gradually eliminating the minority and majority classes. If, only on the basis of a different religious thought or less numerical strength or lack of health, wealth, education, power or social rights, a claim of a section of Indian society to the status of ‘minority’ is considered and conceded, there would be no end to such claims in a society as multi-religious and multi-linguistic as India is.

A claim by one group of citizens would lead to a similar claim by another group of citizens and conflict and strife would ensue. As such, the  Hindu society being based on caste, is itself divided into various minority groups. Each caste claims to be separate from the other. In a caste-ridden Indian society, no section or distinct group of people can claim to be in majority. All are minorities amongst Hindus. Many of them claim such status because of their small number and expect protection from the State on the ground that they are backward. If each minority group feels afraid of the other group, an atmosphere of mutual fear and distrust would be created posing serious threat to the integrity of our Nation. That would sow seeds of multi-nationalism in India. It is, therefore, necessary that Minority Commission should act in a manner so as to prevent generating feelings of multinationalism in various sections of people of Bharat.

The Commission instead of encouraging claims from different communities for being added to a list of notified minorities under the Act, should suggest ways and means to help create social conditions where the list of notified minorities is gradually reduced and done away with altogether.” 1

I leave it for the reader to judge whether this is happening, or even likely to happen any time in the future – or whether the Court or the Government will ever develop the spine needed to end this discrimination against the Hindus and allow the majority Hindu community in Bharat and the endangered tribal religions to enjoy the same rights under the Constitution as those enjoyed by the globally dominant “minorities”.

Concluding Remarks:

The provision under the Constitution to identify and notify a community as a ‘minority’ is meant for protecting and monitoring its progress and development. The object of conferring rights on minorities under Article 30 is to ensure that there will be equality between the majority and the minority. However, what we see happening in Bharat is that the rights meant to protect the interests of the minorities are being systematically misused to create a situation wherein the majority community is at a constant disadvantage even in states of Bharat where they are an endangered minority.

The 103rd Amendment to the Constitution to bring Minority Commissions in line with Supreme Court judgments, was allowed to lapse by the UPA Government after the Standing Committee under Smt. Sumitra Mahajan recommended that these Supreme Court judgments be incorporated fully into the Amendment. The statements of Ministry of Minority Affairs that setting up of Minority Commissions by the State Governments is a State subject and no time frame can be fixed for formation of Minority Commissions by State Governments as it is for them to decide, is nothing short of an abdication of its responsibilities towards implementation of multiple Supreme Court judgments that state that notification of minorities should be done based on their population at the State level.

A study of the status of Hindu minority in seven states and one union territory clearly reveals that the dominant majority in these states are at several advantages and corner the benefits meant for threatened minorities, while the real minorities in those states, the native religions of the tribals and the minority Hindus, get no protection. Most of the states where Hindus are a minority have not formed the Minority Commission and even the states that have, have appointed the members of the dominant majority in that state to the Commission, creating a situation which clearly deprives the threatened minorities in those states of their due protection under the Constitution.

Considering that the demand for declaring Hindus as minority in these states has been repeatedly made by both the BJP and the RSS, the reluctance to act swiftly to ensure that the Supreme Court judgments that support the stand taken by them are implemented, strikes a discordant note; though one can understand that they may want to wait for the pending judgments of the Court to take it further, the statements of the Ministry of Minority Affairs in this regard inspire no such confidence.

The Government should also take concrete steps to “help create social conditions where the list of notified minorities is gradually reduced and done away with altogether” as suggested by the Supreme Court – but till such time as this happens, the minority religions in states where notified minorities are actually the majority, must be given their due protection as envisaged by the Constitution.

REFERENCES:

  1. Supreme Court Judgment: Bal Patil & Anr. Vs Union of India & Ors. http://www.judis.nic.in/supremecourt/qrydisp.asp?tfnm=27098
  2. Gazette of India, Ministry of Minority Affairs Notificaton dated 27 January 2014 http://www.egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2014/157933.pdf
  3. Supreme Court Judgment: The Ahmedabad St. Xaviers College vs State Of Gujarat & Anr, 26 April, 1974 https://indiankanoon.org/doc/703393/
  4. Supreme Court Judgment: Kerala Education Bill vs Unknown https://indiankanoon.org/doc/161666/
  5. 10 minority schools get notice for taking fewer students from own communities http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/10-minority-schools-get-notice-for-taking-fewer-students-from-own-communities/articleshow/47636695.cms
  6. “Government’s definition of minority schools unacceptable” http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Mangalore/governments-definition-of-minority-school-unacceptable/article3630821.ece
  7. Minutes of meeting of the Empowered Committee of Ministry of Minority Affairs dated 19.06.2014 http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/86th_Emp_minutes1.pdf
  8. Parents protest new minority tag criteria http://www.deccanherald.com/content/414521/parents-protest-minority-tag-criteria.html
  9. Supreme Court Judgment: PA Inamdar & Ors vs State of Maharashtra & Ors https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1390531/
  10. Supreme Court Judgment: T.M.A.Pai Foundation & Ors vs State Of Karnataka & Ors https://indiankanoon.org/doc/512761/
  11. Supreme Court Judgment: Kerala Education Bill vs Unknown https://indiankanoon.org/doc/161666/
  12. Compendium of The Social Doctrine of the Church: Part 3 Ch 12, 1a para 532 http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/justpeace/documents/rc_pc_justpeace_doc_20060526_compendio-dott-soc_en.html
  13. Supreme Court Judgment: DAV College Jalandhar vs State of Punjab https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1596466/
  14. Defining India’s Minorities http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/Defining-Indiarsquos-minorities/article14794192.ece
  15. 90 districts identified as Minority Concentration Districts http://twocircles.net/2007jun22/90_districts_identified_minority_concentration_districts.html
  16. Ministry of Minority Affairs Annual Report 2008-09 Government of India http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/ar0809e.pdf
  17. Ministry of Minority Affairs Notification dated 10 February 2014: Programmes for Minority Concentration Districts under Multi Sectoral Development Programme (MsDP) http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=103356
  18. Demographic data used in this article is obtained from Census 2011 website census2011.co.in and http://www.census2011.co.in/religion.php
  19. Supreme Court Judgment: Dayanand Anglo Vedic College vs State of Maharashtra https://indiankanoon.org/doc/13651090/
  20. UPA changing the law to define who makes a minority at the State level http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/upa-changing-the-law-to-define-who-makes-a-minority-at-the-statelevel/32068/
  21. 103rd Amendment: No One Likes It – blog by @realitycheckind https://realitycheck.wordpress.com/2007/07/07/103rd-amendment-no-one-likes-it/
  22. BJP to oppose 103rd Indian constitutional amendment redefining minorities status http://twocircles.net/2007jul06/bjp_oppose_103rd_indian_constitutional_amendment_redefining_minorities_status.html
  23. Bill for giving constitutional status to NCM likely to lapse
  24. http://www.oneindia.com/2008/08/24/bill-for-giving-constitutional-status-to-ncm-likely-to-lapse-1219647215.html

  25. Ministry of Minority Affairs Notification dated 12 August 2015 Minority Commissions http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=124932
  26. Sangh Parivar demands minority status for Hindus in 6 states http://www.rediff.com/news/1999/jan/15christ.htm
  27. Supreme Court Judgment: DAV College Bhatinda vs State of Punjab & Ors https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1195632/
  28. Are Sikhs a minority or majority in Punjab, asks Supreme Court http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/Are-Sikhs-a-minority-or-majority-in-Punjab-asks-SC/article14005424.ece
  29. J&K Minority Rights: Subverted and Fouled http://www.shehjar.com/list/116/1284/1.html
  30. J&K’s Hindus ‘miss out on minority welfare schemes’: India’s Supreme Court asks why a minorities panel hasn’t been set up in the country’s only Muslim-majority State http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-3687151/J-K-s-Hindus-miss-minority-welfare-schemes-India-s-Supreme-Court-asks-minorities-panel-hasn-t-set-country-s-Muslim-majority-state.html
  31. Are Hindus in Jammu and Kashmir denied minority benefits? http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/are-hindus-in-jammu-and-kashmir-denied-minority-benefits/1/713559.html
  32. Modi Govt also not for minority status to Hindus of J&K? Last opportunity to Centre http://www.earlytimes.in/newsdet.aspx?q=195553
  33. Religious cleansing of Hindus: Dr. Koenraad Elst, speaking in The Hague, 7 Feb. 2004, at the Agni conference on the persecution of Hindus in various countries http://koenraadelst.bharatvani.org/articles/Religious.html
  34. Is exclusion of minorities a State Policy in Mizoram? http://paritosh-chakma.blogspot.in/2013/02/is-exclusion-of-minorities-state-policy.html
  35. Samvada: Ram Madhav writes- ‘REANGS – VICTIMS OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION IN MIZORAM’ http://samvada.org/2011/news/ram-madhav-writes-reangs-victims-of-religious-persecution-in-mizoram/
  36. Bru National Liberation Front http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/mizoram/terrorist_outfits/BNLF.htm
  37. BNLF prod to repatriation https://www.telegraphindia.com/1051005/asp/northeast/story_5319712.asp
  38. No Autonomous Council For Reang Tribals: Mizoram http://www.igovernment.in/articles/21469/no-autonomous-council-for-reang-tribals-mizoram
  39. PIL opposes Brus as voters https://www.telegraphindia.com/1160608/jsp/northeast/story_89955.jsp#.WKQlIIF97IU
  40. Ministry of Home Affairs Press Release dated 22 July, 2015 Displacement of People http://pib.nic.in/newsite/mbErel.aspx?relid=123477
  41. Mizoram – Brus: Still Delayed Homecoming http://www.indocanadaoutlook.com/index.php/archives/2016/october-2016/2108-mizoram-brus-still-delayed-homecoming
  42. Government of India Ministry Of Home Affairs Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question No. 2804 to be answered on the 23rd December 2015: Bru Community Members settled in Tripura as Refugees http://mha1.nic.in/par2013/par2015-pdfs/rs-231215/2804.pdf
  43. MHA to release funds for Bru Repatriation Process: The Sangai Express, Imphal 21 September 2016 http://epaper.thesangaiexpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/TSE-EE-09-21-16-2.pdf
  44. At Least 26,903 Brus Identified As Bona Fide Mizoram Residents http://www.indian24news.com/india/at-least-26903-brus-identified-as-bona-fide-mizoram-residents/183752-news
  45. 40 families come forward for identification at Kaskau camp http://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2016/nov/02/40-families-come-forward-for-identification-at-kaskau-camp-1534263.html
  46. Refugees from Mizoram threaten to boycott assembly polls http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/Refugees+from+Mizoram+threaten+to+boycott+assembly+polls/1/14003.html
  47. Explosion in Mizoram temple http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/explosion-in-mizoram-temple/article4742361.ece
  48. Seng Khasis demand recognition as minorities in Meghalaya http://www.theshillongtimes.com/2015/04/13/seng-khasis-demand-recognition-as-minorities-in-mlaya/
  49. Govt of India, Ministry of Minority Affairs notification dated 22 July 2014: Minority Status to Seng Khasi Tribes http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=107205
  50. Memo to PM seeks clarity on Seng Khasi http://www.theshillongtimes.com/2016/06/01/memo-to-pm-seeks-clarity-on-seng-khasi/
  51. HC directive on minority status to Niam Khasi http://www.nelive.in/meghalaya/news/hc-directive-minority-status-niam-khasi
  52. Court directs govt to bestow minority rights to Seng Khasi, Niam Tre http://m.dailyhunt.in/news/india/english/meghalaya+times-epaper-meghalay/court+directs+government+to+bestow+minority+rights+to+seng+khasi+niamtre-newsid-48443298
  53. HC directs Chief Secretary to be present http://www.sentinelassam.com/meghalaya/story.php?sec=2&subsec=8&id=253183&dtP=2016-03-16&ppr=1
  54. ‘Christians do not enjoy minority status in State’ http://www.theshillongtimes.com/2016/01/21/christians-do-not-enjoy-minority-status-in-state/
  55. Sowing saffron in the North East http://www.hindustantimes.com/india/sowing-saffron-in-the-north-east/story-I9yoN1SKnwJUWvTzrhWcwM.html
  56. Sowing saffron, reaping lotus https://www.telegraphindia.com/1160522/jsp/7days/story_86900.jsp
  57. Meeting the threat of conversion http://www.hindubooks.org/Vision/ch3.html
  58. Sangh Parivar, the torch bearer of Hindutva in North East India also https://hinduexistence.org/2016/06/01/sangha-parivar-the-torch-bearer-of-hindutva-in-north-east-india-also/
  59. The Manipur State Minorities Commission Act, 2010: Act 9 of 2010 http://www.lawsofindia.org/pdf/manipur/2010/2010Manipur9.pdf
  60. Newly appointed Manipur State Minority Commission chairman felicitated http://ifp.co.in/page/items/30407/newly-appointed-manipur-state-minority-commission-chairman-felicitated
  61. Government of Manipur, Department for the Welfare of Minorities and OBCs: Annual Administrative Report 2014-15 http://mobcmanipur.gov.in/documents/AAR/2014-2015.pdf
  62. Christian representative for minority commission in Manipur http://www.nagalandpost.com/ChannelNews/Regional/RegionalNews.aspx?news=TkVXUzEwMDAwMDI5NQ%3D%3D-I6vBUdeGqS4%3D
  63. Manipur govt appoints Christian member in Minority Commission http://morungexpress.com/manipur-govt-appoints-christian-member-in-minority-commission/
  64. MBC, NE Churches decry attack on Imphal Church http://ifp.co.in/page/items/36343/mbc-ne-churches-decry-attack-on-imphal-church
  65. Manipur situation: Appeal Letter to Prime Minister and National Commission for Minorities, India http://ncci1914.com/2017/02/10/manipur-situation-appeal-letters-prime-minister-national-commission-minorities-india/
  66. Minority commission for Nagaland proposed https://indiaminorities.wordpress.com/2011/04/21/minority-commission-for-nagaland-proposed/
  67. Between culture and identity– Hindu schools in Naga areas http://aperipheraltwist.blogspot.in/2014/11/between-culture-and-identity-hindu.html
  68. Haraka Mandir demolished in CM’s village in Nagaland http://www.newsbharati.com/Encyc/2015/8/11/Haraka-Mandir-demolished-in-CM%E2%80%99s-village-in-Nagaland
  69. Scholarship for minority communities (Nagaland) http://www.nagalandpost.com/ChannelNews/State/StateNews.aspx?news=TkVXUzEwMDAzODAzOA%3D%3D-PR8MHoRjZj8%3D
  70. State Bank Of India: State-wise Achievement for Minority Community Lending (MCL) for the Quarter ended 30.06.2014 https://www.sbi.co.in/webfiles/uploads/files/1409229067869_ANNEXURE_D_30_JUL14.pdf
  71. Dark ‘State’ Called Nagalim: Arunachal’s Evangelists Pose Grave Threat To National Security https://swarajyamag.com/politics/dark-state-called-nagalim-arunachals-evangelists-pose-grave-threat-to-national-security
  72. Ministry of Minority Affairs: grants in aid for Centrally sponsored schemes of multi sectoral development for Minority Concentration Blocks to Govt of Arunachal Pradesh http://www.minorityaffairs.gov.in/node/2334/
  73. Ambedkar’s address to Constituent Assembly of India Vol VII 4th November 1948 http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/debates/vol7p1b.htm
  74. Why India must have no place for religious minority http://www.dailyo.in/politics/constitution-of-india-minority-sikhs-punjabs-supreme-court-muslims-christians/story/1/8903.html

You can read Part 1 of the article here

(Featured Image Credit: https://featuresgalleried.wordpress.com/2015/07/08/are-indian-tribals-hindus/)


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Rajdeep Sardesai makes a fool of himself, again

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Rajdeep Sardesai

This article is not about Rajdeep Sardesai, per se, but about a whole ecosystem, primarily in Lutyen’s Delhi, that he is a part of.  An essential feature of the members of the ecosystem is that their primary objective is to do everything possible to live a rich life-style, and not one where they feel it necessary that they should go about this task in a professional and ethical way.

On March 3, 2017, Rajdeepji tweeted:

“Shocked: BHU VC Mr Tripathi joins @PMOIndia on a political roadshow and at Kashi Vishwanath temple! Yeh kahan aa Gaye gum!! #election 2017” (Where have I come to?)

He followed with another tweet:

“Only in India would channel being funded by an NDA MP call itself ‘independent’ or a VC join an election roadshow and Univ be ‘autonomous’!”

What was the source of this information about the Vice Chancellor of the Banaras Hindu University is not clear.  However, an article on OpIndia tells us how these tweets were picked up by others with the same ideological orientation as Rajdeepji, namely an intense hatred for Hindutva in general and Narendra Modi in particular.

An attempt to create a fake news was very quickly demolished by the members of the Internet Hindus, and a statement by the Vice Chancellor himself.  And, Rajdeepji had to tuck his tail between his legs and run for cover.  On March 5 he tweeted:

“The pics of BHU VC at Modi roadshow have turned out to be case of ‘mistaken identity’.  Apologising to him and withdrawing tweet.”

For a very long time, this type of creation of fake news has been a consistent feature of the ecosystem mentioned above.  Until the advent of internet, the ecosystem was able to peddle the lies as truths – and they thought the public at large were being fooled.  Because they were able to control the gates of the flow of information in the media, they did not know that their lies were being exposed at the subaltern level. Internet democratised the discussion, and the views of the subaltern, known as the Internet Hindus in Bharat, started to come into prominence.  Whereas each such Hindu earlier thought he/she was alone in his/her thinking, he/she now found that he/she was part of a huge community that has has been expoing the lies of the mainstream media.

Trying to demonise Smriti Irani

This was not the first time that Rajdeepji tried to popularise a lie.  In August last, he thought he had a wonderful handle to demonise Smriti Irani.  Based on another fake report, on 28 Aug 2016 he tweeted:

“So who is the minister who reportedly bought an 8 lakh Ganesh statue from Cottage Industries and refused to pay for it?” 

Once again the Internet Hindus, an ever vigilant group, pounced on him, and, in this case too, he had to tuck his tail between his legs and run for cover.  On the next day, he tweeted:

“I deleted tweet on an unnamed minister because it was based on unverified info.  Mistake.  Apologies. Motto is sense above sensation.”

Rajdeepji thought that what he considered was a clever play of words would pacify the Internet Hindus.  But statements like ‘sense above sensation’ do not cut ice, because time and again he proved that there is zero sincerity in them. And he has proved it so comprehensively in his tweets regarding the Vice-Chancellor of Benares Hindu University.

Two other examples

It is necessary to give a couple of other examples of Rajdeepji making a fool of himself.  When the Prime Minister raised the issue of the serious human rights violation by Pakistan in Balochistan, Rajdeepji tweeted:

“When Manmohan Singh allowed Balochistan in a joint statement in Sharm-el-Sheikh, he was attacked by Congress and BJP. Now ‘B’ word part of I day speech.”

This time it was not just the Internet Hindus who picked it up, but also one who would not like to be considered to be a part of this group.  One Rohit Pradhan tweeted:

“Sardesai, that is a nonsensical argument. Balochistan was referred to (earlier) in terms of India orchestrating terrorism there.”

An Internet Hindu had an obvious question.  A.B. tweeted:

“Do you think Rajdeep is dumb or playing dumb?” 

To which Rohit Pradhan said:

“A.B., latter.”

Another one was on the attempt made by some Kashmiri Islamists to raise ‘Azadi’ slogans in a programme by Amnesty International.  On the  issue,  Rajdeepji tweeted:

“Police in Congress ruled Karnataka files sedition FIR against Amnesty for organising Kashmir meet in Bengaluru on ABVP compalint. No outrage?”

An Internet Hindu, Kiran Chandrashekar, enlightened him with the correct fact, when he tweeted:

“Saredesai, please get your facts right. FIR was for making anti-India statements in the Kashmir meet and not for organising Kashmir meet itself.”

Wanting to believe

When one has a strong position on an issue, one tends to look favourably at any input that comes one’s way that reinforces one’s perspective.  It is really a case of wanting to believe than really believing.  To this extent, one cannot blame Rajdeepji for this malady.  But he claims to be a journalist and an informant about what is happening in society.  Some of his readers/viewers may be thinking of him as an unbiased informant and thus believe what he says.  When he fails to go even a little bit beyond the input that he gets, and makes no attempt to verify it, he obviously has failed in his dharma to his profession.  It is for him to decide whether he wants to continue to play dumb, and thus continue to make a fool of himself.

The pecuniary house-of-cards

In the recent past, Rajdeepji and the members of his ecosystem have mounted a programme to control the social media.  The head of Twitter India, Raheel Khursheed, is quite busy suspending the accounts of the members of Internet Hindus, particularly if they are critical of Arvind Kejriwal.  This attempt of censorship not only receives no public attention of the ecosystem, but I am sure that privately they will be actually applauding the use of such tactics.

The ecosystem is deeply scared of the democratisation of the public discourse, because they find that their lies of the past have been exposed, and that if they continue to lie they will be exposed.  Their pecuniary house-of-cards is collapsing.  Along with this, the assiduously created image of controlling the discourse is now seen to be false.  So, the ecosystem is scared – very, very scared.

Then there are  questions to be asked of the owners of the institutions that employ Rajdeep ji and others.  For the sake of the credibility of their institutions, should they really be having such people on their rolls?  And, if they do, and their clients think bad of them, can they really blame the clients?  If this state continues, the disgust of the Internet Hindus against such institutions will keep on mounting, and eventually it will also reflect against the owners.

Then there is the responsibility of the institutions to those who directly pay for their survival – namely the advertisers and the subscribers.  Are the owners doing proper justice to them also?

As I said at the beginning, this article is not just about Rajdeep ji per se.  The whole ecosystem has to awaken to what is happening.  Coining new terms like ‘post-truth’ to dispute the facts that are exposing their lies does not cut ice any more.  The people at large have always been well-informed about what affects their lives. Like Indira Gandhi, who because of her censorship did not know the anger of the people at large against her and her policies, the ecosystem should know history well enough to know what will happen to them.

To remain relevant, and for doing their dharma towards the society and the nation, the members of the ecosystem should stop pretending that they are still asleep.


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Man Alleges Death Threats & Forced Religious Conversion By Muslim Gang In Bikaner

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Forced Religious Conversion

In a shocking series of revelations, a man named Abhishek Jain has claimed that a gang of Muslims in Bikaner, Rajasthan, forcibly changed his religion from Jainism to Islam. He has claimed that he was beaten, kidnapped, issued death threats and made to sign documents which enabled the accused gang to change his religion on paper. He also claims that all this coercion and torture happened with the full knowledge of the local Municipal Councillor (nigam parshad), Mohammad Tahir.

Abhishek is currently helped by the local team of VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad) in Bikaner. The news was also reported in the local media. We spoke to the city president of the VHP team, Sh. Mukesh & Abhishek Jain, and the incident came to light like this :

On 24th Feb, Bikaner VHP got a request for urgent help from Abhishek. He was called to VHP office next day where he told his story of going through forced religious conversion. A local press meet was organized the same day and he was taken to the respective police station for filing FIR. However, many police men were not in uniform and did not cooperate. When VHP president asserted that they need to get the FIR done, the police men in civil clothes started lathicharge and beat them up. Finally, after a lot of struggle, FIR was filed around 11 pm on the night of 26th Feb. It is already ten days and police has not done anything. VHP Bikaner has sent us a written statement too and claimed that some police men were openly abusing Narendra Modi, Vasundhara Raje and Bajrang Dal :

Abhishek Jain has given his statement to us as follows :

I am from Chattisgarh and my parents are well to do Jains. But because of certain personal differences, I moved out of my house. In March 2016, I started a small school in the building of Dr. Swami and made friends with his daughter, Disha Swami, who was living separately from her husband and agreed to manage the school. But soon I realized that a whole gang of men were coming to meet her regularly and their behavior was suspicious. It started affecting the working of the place so I spoke to her regarding shutting down the school. She took offense and filed some fake cases on me in September 2016, because of which I got arrested twice and then got bail.

This gang of 10 to 12 Muslim men which includes the nigam parshad Mohd Tahir, are involved in this. I finally asked them what is it that they want. I have lost all the money in starting that school. They told me that since I am already deserted by my family, I have nobody to help me. They told me to convert to Islam, else they will kill me. They told me that they have already made many Hindu men convert to Islam. I was also beaten a few times. Then they kidnapped me, took me to a mosque where I was told that I have to go to Delhi for conversion. I was told that their people will follow me all the time and i had to contact another Muslim guy in Jamia Nagar. I had no option but to follow their instructions. 

I reached Jamia Nagar in Delhi and contacted that man named Mohd Bilal. He took me to his office like building, I was confined to a small cabin most of the time. I was made to sign various documents and plain sheets too. I saw another 6 men brought to that building for conversion. I was made to stay there for 6 days and then told to return to Bikaner. I was told my new name is Akram Khan and a conversion certificate was handed over to me.

I returned to Bikaner and reported to this gang. I was confined in a mosque where I was beaten sometimes and made to eat cow meat. Gradually they started giving me work in the mosque but I was still under supervision. I submitted to them and gradually they became less strict with supervision. I stayed in that mosque under their eye for at least 45 days. Then I asked them for a mobile so that I could pass my time. They gave me a mobile and then I searched for local VHP / Bajrang Dal contacts. That’s how I could contact VHP. I am giving you a copy of FIR.’

The names of the accused as given by Abhishek are – Mohd Tahir, Maulana Sadiq, Karan Nawani, Sem Khan, Sem Goran, Roshan, Imarn, Maksud Ahmed, Mohd Bilal, Maulana Irshad, Hafiz, Liyaqat. Here is the copy of FIR :

The conversion certificate which was handed over to Abhishek Jain :

Social Media users connected with VHP also posted some videos regarding this incident. In this video, Abhishek says that he was coerced into changing his religion :

In this video, the police in civil clothes are seen beating the VHP people who had gone to the police station for filing FIR :

The most shocking and scary part of this story seems to be that the whole exercise looks like an organized racket of forcibly converting people to Islam. This doesn’t seem to be a one off case, as the victim has also claimed that there were 6 other men brought from different areas to Delhi for religious conversion. This seems like a well connected and large network of fanatics who specifically find out vulnerable men living alone and target them. This needs a massive inquiry and investigation.

(We thank Bikaner VHP President Sh. Mukesh and Karan Sharma for speaking with us).

 


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On International Women’s Day, Muslim SP workers storm Meerut UP police station to free arrested molester

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Muslim presence and growth in UP Demographic Assault Meerut Attack Mob Lynch 26/11 Hindus Assaulted Muslim mobilization

If more evidence was required on how the Samajwadi brand of secularism has destroyed law & order in UP, this shocker from Meerut on ‘International Women’s Day’ provides just that. On Tuesday evening, a mob of SP workers descended on a police chowki in Meerut, Western UP, to try and forcefully free Nazar Mohammed, a youth who had been arrested by police for assaulting and molesting a girl student earlier that day. It is alleged that the local SP MLA Ghulam Mohammed tried to pressurize the police on behalf of the attackers.

SP MLA Haji Ghulam Mohammad with CM Akhilesh Yadav; Source: Facebook

Around 7 PM on Tuesday, four Muslim youth who were stalking a girl student returning from tuition, rammed their Swift Maruti car into the girl’s scooty. After the girl fell to the ground, they started molesting her. Hearing the girl’s screams, police from the nearby Pooth chowki (Rohta police station) rushed to the scene causing the accused youth to flee from the spot.

However, police gave pursuit and cornered them near Jainpur village by shooting their car tyre. Three youth escaped by running into the nearby fields, but police arrested the car driver Nazar Mohammed. Mohammed’s associates reached their village of Sindhavali, Kanker Khera, and soon a large armed mob of SP (Samajwadi Party) workers from the village reached the Pooth chowki to forcefully free Nazar Mohammed and recover the Swift car impounded by police.

The mob attacked the police station, fired at police and thrashed two policemen – constables Vijay and Tejvir. The chowki incharge Rajendra Singh fled to save his life and used his wireless set to call for more forces from the Rohta police station. Seeing additional forces arrive, the attackers tried to flee but Gulfam, resident of Sindhavali, was caught. Police is trying to apprehend the other attackers.

The SP MLA Haji Ghulam Mohammad claims that he got a call from SP supporters that police had created a ‘false case’ of molestation and used ‘excessive force’ in shooting the car tyre to apprehend the accused.

Dainik Jagran report on the Rohta, Meerut incident where Muslim SP supporters attacked a police station to free an arrested molester.

Recurring pattern

Such crimes occur frequently in UP, especially Western UP which is now a communal tinderbox. On Tuesday, there was another communal clash in Meerut’s Kabadi Bazaar area. The clash erupted after a bike accident and led to stone throwing between Hindus and Muslims. A Muslim mob ransacked the house of one Sagar and tried to set it aflame – they also assaulted Sagar’s disabled sister Sheetal, and his minor sons Karan and Ankit. A large police force had to reach the spot to control the situation.

Last week, in other news from the same Rohta area of Meerut, a gang of Muslim youth shot at and injured three farmers of one family (Krishna Tyagi, Kapil, Gaurav) who had objected after finding the youth in an intimate position with girls from a nearby school, while working in their field. The victims have filed a police complaint against Sagir s/o Ata-ur-Rehman from Bangadi Rasna village and other unidentified men.

Lawless UP, clueless nation

This is what is wrong with law & order in Western UP after 5 years of SP rule under the ‘youth icon’ Akhilesh Yadav –

1.) Girls are unsafe – even mundane tasks like going to school, tuition are often life threatening.

2.) Thugs and hooligans, especially from the ‘minority’ community, have a field day. They know that secular politics totally depends on their votebank and they treat UP police force with contempt.

3.) Police is totally demoralized and susceptible to political pressure. The policemen who chased the accused’s car and shot out the car tyres are heroes in the present circumstances, but such actions are rare. The ground reality can be seen in this sting video where a policeman reveals how UP police is afraid of acting against Muslim goons who have the backing of the ruling Samajwadi Party.

This lawlessness which is now the norm in UP has not been discussed at the national level with the seriousness it deserves because of three reasons –

1.) Regional Hindi media is full of such news every single day – but it hardly ever reaches the national media (both English and Hindi). National coverage occurs only when a Dadri happens.

2.) Muslim society lives in denial & projects blame externally. After every such incident, one hears the same excuses being trotted out – police framed ‘innocent’ Muslim boys, the girl & boy were in a consensual relationship, it is ‘external hate-mongers’ (read RSS) who are disturbing the peace & harmony/’composite culture’ of UP etc. Such thinking is actively promoted by secular politicians & Urdu, English and national Hindi media – there is hardly any call for Muslims to introspect, of the sort one sees for Hindus if any caste violence occurs. This tweet by Shekhar Gupta captures the mindset of the discredited Delhi media  –

Incidentally, MLA Haji Ghulam Mohammad is a highly qualified post-graduate – M.A.(English), B. Ed.,L.L.B. Meerut Univeristy – yet he chose to support the criminal elements who molested a school student and attacked police, only because they were his co-religionists.

3.) Many Hindus, even locals of UP, are in denial. They are oblivious to the larger demographic shift occurring around them, and are caught up in the petty, sectarian mindset created by the #IdeaOfIndia secular socialist State – so Jats agitate for reservation, Yadavs vote for ‘their’ SP, Jatav Dalits for ‘their’ BSP etc. A communal crime against a Hindu in Meerut does not evoke much outrage even in neighboring Agra, leave alone Lucknow, Kanpur or Varanasi.

Muslims now form over 41 % of the population in a West UP pocket consisting of 8 adjacent districts. If we don’t wake up soon, within our lifetimes we will have a de facto failed state, a la Pakistan, right within our borders and next to the national capital.


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Sabarimala: An attack on Traditions and Hindu Unification

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Sabarimala temple

The Sabarimala Dharma Sastha Temple has been a place of Hindu unity since time immemorial. It is the place where people forget their differences to meet in a single place with the feeling of brotherhood and have the darshan of Sri Dharma Sastha.

As it has always been a bulwark against the conversion activities of the evangelists, it has always been in the headlines for the wrong reasons. Sabarimala Sri Dharma Sastha Temple is Kerala’s richest temple and millions of devotees from different parts of the country climb the hill by crossing forests and mountains to have Darshan of Ayyappa or Dharma Shasta every year. For this reason, Sabarimala has been targeted many times like the temple burning in 1950 (in which action on the accused is yet to be taken for it is alleged to have been done by the Christians living in the foothills of the temple, who were settled by the British as plantation workers), planting of crosses for propaganda by evangelists, attacks on the traditions of the temple etc.

The most recent attack is on the temple tradition of not allowing the entry of women of menstruating age. The restriction is not for all women, but for those who are aged between 10 to 50 years. Post-menopause women and children can enter the shrine. Women of menstruating age are restricted since the deity of the temple is in Brahmacharya stage, in which he should avoid contact with women. Another thing is that according to the tradition, Sri Ayyappa had promised Goddess Malikapurathamma to marry her when there are no new pilgrims to the temple. So according to the tradition, even the entry of the Goddess herself is restricted.

Various liberal intellectuals, under the evangelist influence, ask for the scriptural references of this tradition called Brahmacharya followed in the temple, claiming that there is no such reference and it is only a ploy of the upper castes to discriminate against women. But contradicting their claim there are many scriptural references speaking about the practice of Brahmacharya which we have quoted below:

  1. Apastamba Dharma sutra (1.1.3.16) – “strIbhiryAvad artha sambhAShI” – He shall speak with women so much (only) as his purpose [note: purpose for a brahmacari is explained in 1.1.3.26-30 – to seek alms for daily food). So, a brahmacari cannot speak to a woman except to seek alms.
  1. Bodhayana Dharma Sutra (1.2.3.23) also gives same rule as Apastamba does above
  1. Vaikhanasa Dharma Sutra – (2.1) states that seeing and touching women are prohibited for brahmacari (“..strI darshana sparshana..”)

This problem started when a Devaswom board commissioner appointed by the then communist government of Kerala, S. Chandrika, entered the temple with her daughter-in-law, breaking the tradition. Following this, a petition was filed in the Kerala High Court by S. Mahendran, a devotee of Ayyappa from Changanassery.

Mahendran, in his petition, complained about young women trekking to Sabarimala and offering prayers at the Sabarimala shrine, and alleged special treatment being given to wives of V.I.Ps. He pointed out a specific instance of the first rice-feeding ceremony of the grand-daughter of the former Devaswom Commissioner Smt. Chandrika, conducted at Sabarimala temple in the presence of her daughter, the mother of the child, and other relatives, including women. A photograph which appeared in the Janmabhoomi daily of 19-8-1990 was also enclosed along with the complaint petition. He sought suitable action to be taken against the persons concerned.

This case which was heard by a bench under Justice K. Paripoornan ordered for a devaprashnam, which is a traditional practiced followed in Kerala to know about the wishes of the deity. The devaprashnam conducted in this regard also revealed that the Lord does not wish to allow the entry of menstruating age women as he is observing his Brahmacharya vrata, following which a judgement was given in the Kerala High Court banning the entry of women aged between 10 and 50 years.

Now, if these ‘progressive’ feminists wish to visit Sabarimala by breaking the tradition and the Lord’s wishes revealed in devaprashnam, then that means they do not have any devotion or respect towards Ayyappa. If they have no devotion or respect, why even bother about visiting the temple?

Another thing is that pilgrims must climb hills and cross forests to reach Sabarimala as pointed before. Along with this they must also observe vratam or strict observance of vows for 41 days before visiting the temple – it would be hard for women to observe this practice of Vrata for 41 days as it will disturb their menstrual cycle. Also, since Ayyappa at Sabarimala is a Naishtika Brahmachari, the energy in the temple may create an imbalance in the natural creative energy present in women of reproductive age; if they are repeatedly exposed to those energies over a long period, it may prevent household women from doing their duties. Hence, only those who are yet to attain puberty or those who have already reached menopause undertake the pilgrimage.

The feminists who ask for the entry of women in the temple have always been silent about the traditions followed in the temples like Attukkal, Chakkulaththukkavu etc., where women enjoy the special rites of keeping pongala, naari pooja etc. So, one more question which arises in the minds of local Hindus who follow traditions is whether feminism, according to these feminists, is about making women dominate men leading to misandry, contradicting its original motive of giving equal rights to both the genders of humanity?

The people who support women entry also includes so called right-wing Hindus with a leftist attitude. They have personally harassed the Hindu women activists who support the age-old tradition in a most vile manner, by stating it as Christian propaganda to divide Hindus. But these ‘right wingers’ are sadly infected with distorted left-liberal view points, which will only cause harm to Hindu society.

Sure, Hindu traditions are open for reform, but these reforms must only come from within the tradition itself, i.e. they must be guided by the practicing Acharyas of Hindu tradition as well as Pramanas or authoritative texts. Should Hindu Dharma be subjected to unnecessary reforms just because the left-liberal feminists and the evangelists say so?

We must also keep in mind that each Hindu temple has its own tradition and local practices. The mode of worship also varies from one temple to another. There are numerous other Ayyappa temples in Kerala where women of all ages can worship Ayyappa. The Sabarimala temple itself is connected with three other sastha temples, explaining the four stages of a dharmic life. While Sabarimala temple represents the stage of Brahmacharya or Student, the three other temple representing the three stages of life as Bala, Grihastha and Sanyasa allow women of all ages to worship the Sastha at these temples. So, we must respect and preserve all these diverse traditions of various temples.

(Note: This article is jointly written by @Dauhshanti and @paanchajanyaa)

Disclaimer: This article represents the opinions of the Author, and the Author is responsible for ensuring the factual veracity of the content. HinduPost will not be responsible for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information, contained herein.


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Status of minority rights of Hindus and tribal religions in states of Bharat with non-Hindu majority – Part 1

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Minority Rights

What constitutes a Minority Community?

The expression ‘minority’ has been used in Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution but it has not been defined anywhere. The Preamble of the Constitution proclaims to guarantee every citizen ‘liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith & worship’. Group of Articles 25 to 30 guarantee protection of religious, cultural and educational rights to both majority and minority communities. It appears that keeping in view the constitutional guarantees for protection of cultural, educational and religious rights of all citizens, it was not felt necessary to define ‘minority’.

Minority as understood from constitutional scheme signifies an identifiable group of people or community who were seen as deserving protection from likely deprivation of their religious, cultural and educational rights by other communities who happen to be in majority and likely to gain political power in a democratic form of Government based on election.

In the background of constitutional scheme, the provisions of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 Act therefore instead of giving definition of ‘minority’ only provide for notifying certain communities as ‘minorities’ who might require special treatment and protection of their religious, cultural and educational rights.

The definition of ‘minority’ given under the Act in section 2(c) is in fact not a definition as such but only a provision enabling the Central Government to identify a community as a ‘minority’ which in the considered opinion of the Central Government deserves to be notified for the purpose of protecting and monitoring its progress and development through the Commission.1

Five communities were inserted into this provision as National Minorities – Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Parsis and Buddhists. To this list, another community was added on 27 January 2014, with great opposition from those already availing minority benefits – Jains.2

The reason why Article 30(1) was embodied in the Constitution has been set out by Chief Justice Ray in the case of St. Xaviers College v. State of Gujarat. The relevant portion reads as follows:

“The right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice has been conferred on religious and linguistic minorities so that the majority who can always having their rights by having proper legislation do not pass a legislation prohibiting minorities to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. Every section of the public, the majority as well as minority has rights in respect of religion as contemplated in Articles 25 and 26 and rights in respect of language, script, culture as contemplated in Article 29. The whole object of conferring the right on minorities under Article 30 is to ensure that there will be equality between the majority and the minority. If the minorities do not have such special protection they will be denied equality.”3

However, what we see happening in Bharat is the opposite: the rights meant to protect the interests of the minorities are being systematically misused to deprive the majority of their rights.

Provision of “Sprinkling of non-minority students” – for what purpose?

In a number of judgments, the Supreme Court of Bharat has held that the purpose of a “minority institution” is to provide a secure environment for minority students, and such an institution can have only a SPRINKLING of non-minority students. It has been left to the State government to specify what percentage constitutes this “sprinkling”.4

The figures are astounding. In Karnataka, Siddaramaiah’s govt has decided that the “sprinkling” of non-minority students allowed means 75% – effectively, the “minority character” of the institution is compromised and it is virtually converted into a “secular” institution. The Maharashtra govt has decided that “sprinkling” of non-minority students means 49%, which is much better than Karnataka but still huge. By and large, courts have held that the number of minority students in minority institutions should at least exceed 50%. But how many of them are doing it?

In top “minority” schools of Mumbai, the number of minority students was as low as 0% to 7%. Yet these schools have been kept out of the “benefits” of the Right To Education Act. In June 2015, ten “minority” schools of Mumbai were served notices by the State Government for not having admitted even a single “minority” student in their institution.5

Christ Church High School, Byculla Principal Carl Laurie has been quoted as saying, “The student strength from the minority community is about 20-30% of the total strength. In a city like Mumbai it is impossible to get 50% Christian students. There are also around 15 Christian minority schools in South Mumbai. We admit all students from the community who come to our school”.

Interestingly, in 2012, when Karnataka minority schools were told to admit 75% of minority students, they objected on the ground that Bharat was a secular country and that they should be allowed to take students from all communities as there weren’t enough minority students!6

Following considerable pressure applied by the Christian community along with a few linguistic groups, CM Siddaramaiah’s government in 2014 reduced the percentage of minority students in minority institutions from 75% to just 25% – a complete travesty of the law in both letter and spirit.7 Parents of minority students have objected to this huge reduction in the percentage of minority seats by the Siddaramaiah government; expectedly, there has been no response from the Karnataka government to these objections.8

Obviously, the “Minority” institution tag is only aimed at garnering “secular” students and not “minority” ones, its supposed purpose of existence. This is a straightforward case of violation of letter and spirit of the Constitution and SC judgments, and misuse of constitutional provisions. If minority institutions don’t have enough minority students, they should either shut down or become secular institutions. They do neither.

The law also seems to have been interpreted perversely by deeming an institution a minority institution merely because the owner is from a minority community, even if the minority character of the institution itself is irrevocably diluted. The principle that the “minority character” should be maintained has been repeatedly compromised and diluted on various contrary arguments.

On a bare reading of the defense offered by the principals of minority institutions, the ridiculousness of the situation manifests itself. Principals of minority institutions openly say that they don’t or can’t admit enough minority students, but still claim the legal benefits of a minority institution. The refrain is, “yes, we are a minority institution but we are open to taking all students as India is a secular country”. Noble indeed, but then if Bharat is a secular country, why are these institutions granted legal favors that are not available to non-minority institutions?

Minority Character

In the case of P.A. Inamdar vs. State of Maharashtra, the Supreme Court held that the employment of expressions “right to establish and administer” and “educational institution of their choice” in Article 30(1) gave the right a very wide amplitude. The minority educational institution has, therefore, a right to admit students of its own choice; it can, as a matter of its own free will, admit students of non-minority community also. However, non-minority students could not be forced upon it. The only restriction on the free will of the minority educational institution admitting students belonging to a non-minority community is, as spelt out by Article 30 itself, the manner and number of such admissions should not be violative of the majority character of the institution, if it is thus so, it loses the protection of Article 30(1).9

The judgments of the Supreme Court say that the minority institution cannot be allowed to lose its “minority character” and hence only a ‘sprinkling of non-minority students can be allowed. In the Pai Foundation case10, the Supreme Court held that to establish a minority institution, the institution must primarily cater to the requirements of the minority of that State, else its character of minority institution was lost. A loss of the “minority character” would naturally mean that the institution would not be able to retain its minority status.

But what is astounding is the wording of the judgment that defines the purpose of having a “sprinkling” of non-minority students in minority institutions – in the Kerala Education Bill vs Unknown judgment, the judges have written that the provision would “enable the distinct language, script and culture of a minority being propagated amongst non-members of a particular minority community and that would indeed better serve the object of conserving the language, religion and culture of that minority”.11

In so many flowery words, children of the majority community are allowed to join minority institutions for the purpose of propagation of the minority religion in the majority community on the grounds that it safeguards the minority!!

In its key document, Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, the Vatican has formally put the use of its educational institutions for evangelization in writing. Quoting from the document,

“Catholic educational institutions can and indeed must carry out a precious formative service, dedicating themselves in a particular way to the inculturation of the Christian message, that is to say, to the productive encounter between the Gospel and the various branches of knowledge.”12

Minority institutions of course are going the whole hog and filling their schools with mostly “non-minority” students for this purpose. The sort of comments made by the Courts as mentioned in the earlier paragraph, are a boon for the conversion industry, almost a legal sanction. Is this justifiable by any stretch of imagination? 

Protection of the Hindu Minority in non-Hindu majority states of Bharat

In the judgment of D.A.V. College, Jullundur v. State of Punjab, Supreme Court Justice Jaganmohan Reddy has noted:

“Though there was a faint attempt to canvass the position that religious or linguistic minorities should be minorities in relation to the entire population of the country, in our view they are to be determined only in relation to the particular legislation which is sought to be impugned; namely that if it is the State legislature these minorities have to be determined in relation to the population of the State.”13

While the courts have decided that the community to be protected as a minority must be decided at State level, wherever in Bharat the Hindus are in a minority, no such protection or freedom for their establishments has been extended to them. Not even in a single state of the seven states and one union territory where Hindus are in a minority do they enjoy these protections that the global predatory religions get when they are in minority.

One must read the 2007 article by Zoya Hasan14, who lays out the grounds for opposing the right of Hindus in Kashmir to their own institutions on the pretext that non-Kashmiri Hindus too may take admission in those institutions, to understand that the whole game is to deny Hindus their rights. If Hindus are in majority in a state, the aim is to make it unviable financially for them to run their own institutions, and when Hindus are in minority, the minority rights considered so sacrosanct for non-Hindus are denied to them.

Minority Concentration Districts: Where the “Minorities” enjoy Government schemes only because they are in majority

The Prime Minister’s New 15-Point Programme for The Welfare Of Minorities was launched by the then PM Manmohan Singh in 2006. Under this plan, the UPA Government notified 90 districts in the country as “Minority Concentration Districts” where the minorities were present in sizeable numbers and classified economically backward, based on the controversial Sachar Committee report of 2006. The objective was “to prepare and implement area/problem specific special development plans for these 90 districts” and “to ensure that the benefit of programmes of poverty alleviation, education, health and provision of basic amenities etc., reach these districts in a focused manner”. The task of conducting this baseline survey of MCDs was assigned to the Indian Council of Social Science Research.

Only districts with Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists and Parsis as minority concentrations were included, based on three criteria, viz.: the share of minority population religion, specific socio -economic indicators and indicators of basic amenities. The minority criterion required that a district has either a “substantial minority population of at least 25% of the total population or a large absolute minority population exceeding 5 lakhs but at least in the range of 20% to less than 25% of the total population or at least 15% of minority population, in case of six States / Union Territories where a minority community is in majority”.15,16

These areas include some places from where Hindus have now been systematically driven out after targeted violence, such as Malda in West Bengal and Muzaffarnagar in UP.17 The complete dominance of “minorities” has been rewarded and they have obtained further economic benefits running into thousands of crores annually from the Government despite not being under any kind of threat – once again making a mockery of the entire concept of “minorities”.

In the next & concluding part, we will study how the dominant globally powerful Abrahamic religions “safeguard” the rights of Hindus and other indigenous religions when they gain political power and demographic majority.

REFERENCES:

  1. Supreme Court Judgment: Bal Patil & Anr. Vs Union of India & Ors. http://www.judis.nic.in/supremecourt/qrydisp.asp?tfnm=27098
  2. Gazette of India, Ministry of Minority Affairs Notificaton dated 27 January 2014 http://www.egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2014/157933.pdf
  3. Supreme Court Judgment: The Ahmedabad St. Xaviers College vs State Of Gujarat & Anr, 26 April, 1974 https://indiankanoon.org/doc/703393/
  4. Supreme Court Judgment: Kerala Education Bill vs Unknown https://indiankanoon.org/doc/161666/
  5. 10 minority schools get notice for taking fewer students from own communities http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/10-minority-schools-get-notice-for-taking-fewer-students-from-own-communities/articleshow/47636695.cms
  6. “Government’s definition of minority schools unacceptable” http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Mangalore/governments-definition-of-minority-school-unacceptable/article3630821.ece
  7. Minutes of meeting of the Empowered Committee of Ministry of Minority Affairs dated 19.06.2014 http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/86th_Emp_minutes1.pdf
  8. Parents protest new minority tag criteria http://www.deccanherald.com/content/414521/parents-protest-minority-tag-criteria.html
  9. Supreme Court Judgment: PA Inamdar & Ors vs State of Maharashtra & Ors https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1390531/
  10. Supreme Court Judgment: T.M.A.Pai Foundation & Ors vs State Of Karnataka & Ors https://indiankanoon.org/doc/512761/
  11. Supreme Court Judgment: Kerala Education Bill vs Unknown https://indiankanoon.org/doc/161666/
  12. Compendium of The Social Doctrine of the Church: Part 3 Ch 12, 1a para 532 http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/pontifical_councils/justpeace/documents/rc_pc_justpeace_doc_20060526_compendio-dott-soc_en.html
  13. Supreme Court Judgment: DAV College Jalandhar vs State of Punjab https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1596466/
  14. Defining India’s Minorities http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/Defining-Indiarsquos-minorities/article14794192.ece
  15. 90 districts identified as Minority Concentration Districts http://twocircles.net/2007jun22/90_districts_identified_minority_concentration_districts.html
  16. Ministry of Minority Affairs Annual Report 2008-09 Government of India http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/sites/default/files/ar0809e.pdf
  17. Ministry of Minority Affairs Notification dated 10 February 2014: Programmes for Minority Concentration Districts under Multi Sectoral Development Programme (MsDP) http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=103356

(Featured Image Credit: https://featuresgalleried.wordpress.com/2015/07/08/are-indian-tribals-hindus/)


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