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Problems with ‘genetic evidence’ for Aryan Invasion Theory

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Champions of Aryan Invasion/Migration Theory (AIT) refuse to give up. With virtually nothing to show in support of their pet theory in linguistics, archeology or ancient texts and inscriptions, they keep coming up with new kinds of evidence. Thus Tony Joseph’s new book Early Indians: The Story of Our Ancestors and Where We Came From claims to prove once and for all, with the help of genetics, that a group of pastoral people from steppes east of the Ural mountains entered Bharat during 2000-1000 BCE, bringing with them Indo-European languages and new religious and cultural practices. The migrants—invaders?—drove away Dravidian-speaking Harappans to deep down in the south and started a caste system.

The geographical evidence of Rigveda is very clear and unambiguous. It shows that the Vedic Aryans … were inhabitants of interior parts of India, to the east of the river Sarasvati and were only just expanding into and becoming acquainted with areas further west. – Punarvasu Parekh

Sadly for the champions of AIT, they can no longer rule the roost by stonewalling the debate. Shrikant Talageri, Mumbai-based independent scholar on ancient Bharat, critically examines [1] the material presented by Tony Joseph and shows that what is claimed to be a clinching evidence is actually flimsy and weak data which cannot support the conclusions drawn from it or claims made on its behalf.

For his data, Tony Joseph relies largely on two Paleogenomic studies conducted by David Reich and his team at Harvard Medical School:

(a) a preprint (non-peer-reviewed research paper) titled “The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia” which was co-authored by 92 scientists from around the world, co-authored and co-directed by Reich, and lead-authored by a member of Reich’s team named V. Narasimhan (2018) and

(b) an older paper titled “Massive Migration from the Steppe was a source for Indo-European languages in Europe” (2009).

Tony Joseph tells us that Bharat is a multi-source civilization. The present population of Bharat represents varying combinations of basically three ancestral lineages. The genetic lineage of “Out of Africa migrants” who reached Bharat 65000 years ago (First Bharatiyas) forms the bedrock of Bharat’s population. West Asian migrants (Iranian-agriculturist-related pastoralists from the Zagros mountains in Iran and the steppe grasslands (from the belt of Latvia to the west of Mongolia) provide the other two lineages.

Of these, the West Asian migrants built the Harappan civilisation which were associated with the Dravidian languages. The proof for this, Tony Joseph tells us, is that the Harappans had combinations of basically only two ancestral lineages: First Bharatiyas and Zagros. But there are no ancient DNA samples from any part of Bharat for the Harappan period. So how can we determine the genetic make-up of its people?

Tony Joseph’s answer is disingenuous and gives the game way. Reich’s study is based on ancient DNA of 612 individuals from various regions and periods: Iran, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan (5600-1200 BCE), the Steppe east of the Ural Mountains, including Kazakhstan (4799-1000 BCE), and Pakistan’s Swat valley (1200 BCE to 1 CE).

Three of 612 specimens stood out from the rest in that their DNA showed presence of First Bharatiyas and Zagros ancestral lineages and no Anatolian ancestry at all. In contrast, other specimens showed early Iranian agriculturist related ancestry, Anatolian agriculturist related ancestry and west Siberian related ancestry; but they had no First Bharatiya ancestry. In other words, three out of 612 individuals had ties on the Bharatiya i.e. Harappan side of the area but not with the Anatolian side.

Therefore, in Tony Joseph’s reasoning, the three outliers must be migrants from Harappan civilisation who were residents in neighbouring cities that the Harappans had trade relations with. They represent what Tony Joseph calls “Indus periphery” and since no ancient DNA has been recovered from the Harappan civilization to enable genuine comparison, they stand in as proxy for the entire Harappan population itself. How? With what logic?

Notice the circularity of the argument. “Harappan civilization was built by people with First Bharatiya and Zagros ancestral lineages. Three out of 612 specimens had First Bharat and Zagros ancestral lineages. Therefore, they must be Harappans.”

Notice also flimsy nature of the data. The Harappan civilization must have had a population of some millions at its peak. Tony Joseph thinks nothing of making sweeping generalisations about such a large population on the basis of three dubious foreign DNA samples.

The circularity of the argument and paucity of data are bad enough for Joseph’s mission. But there is something worse.

Talageri delves deeper into the findings of the Reich’s research paper and shows that instead of supporting Joseph’s conclusions, the findings in fact contradict him!

Let us try to summarise it without being too technical. According to Reich’s study (2018), it is possible to model almost every population as a mixture of seven deeply divergent distal ancestry sources. The study tabulates ancestral components of 21 ancient groups (some of which consist of just one individual each) from different ancient periods.

In the Harappan period, one of the seven lineages—Anatolian agriculturist related represented by 7th millennium BCE Anatolian agriculturists—is found to be present in 8 groups of Iran-Turan region (other than the Indus periphery people), including the BMAC. [2]

In a later post-Harappan period it is present in three groups from the Swat valley from northern Pakistan. In none of these groups from both periods do the charts in the report show the Steppe DNA. It looks as if the Anatolian ancestry (which had been in Central Asia since a very long time), and not the Steppe ancestry, had moved from the BMAC area in a post-Harappan period into northern Pakistan.

However, both Reich and Joseph claim that the Steppe DNA in a post-Harappan period came from the north and entered northern Pakistan after bypassing the BMAC area. But both the earlier BMAC DNA and the later Swat DNA in the charts shown in the report show the same DNA composition. So where is this Steppe DNA which bypassed the BMAC and entered northern Pakistan?

A.L. Chavda makes an interesting point in this context. “In the second paper, the geneticists admit “other migrations from the Steppe” (which they are unable to identify) may have brought Indo-European languages to Europe. Apart from the repeat of the circular claim (why Steppe again?) and the lack of any basis for making this wild claim, they do not seem to have realized the really damning self-contradiction in that statement: if “other” migrations from the Steppe could have brought Indo-European languages to Europe, that means other differentiated branches of Indo-Europeans were already present on the Steppe! So where did these branches originate, if they were already in a differentiated form on the Steppe, ready to launch into Europe? Could these be the people who migrated to both Corded Ware and Yamnaya? (See “Journalist Attempts To Revive Aryan Invasion Myth Using Discredited Genetic Research“)

Tony Joseph goes on to tell us that Central Asian Sanskrit-speaking Hindu Aryans were the last to migrate to Bharat; they “reshaped” Bharat’s society in “fundamental ways”. That, in fact, is the crux of his argument. Let us see how he proves it.

The only DNA from ancient Bharat is from the Swat valley in northern Pakistan from a post-Harappan period: after 1200 BCE till around 100 BCE. This DNA, Tony Joseph tells us, represents a combination of all the three major ancestral lineages found in present-day Bharat: First Bharatiya, Zagros and Steppe. This proves, according to Tony Joseph, that Steppe DNA entered Bharat during 2000-1000 BCE. But this is the period that Indologists and linguists have long held as being the period of Aryan Invasion of Bharat by speakers of Indo-European languages who are also said to have come from the steppes of south Russia. This, according to Joseph, proves AIT.

This again is a circular argument at its best, or worst. Joseph assumes AIT which he is expected to prove.

Genetic data may help us determine ancestral strands in the DNA of individuals, family, community or a people. But it cannot link people to a language or group of languages; nor can it account for spread and movements of languages. Joseph is aware of the problem and solves it by offering R1a1 DNA, which he describes as the “genetic signature” of “Aryans”.

“How do we know that R1a DNA and its subgroups are linked to Indo-European language speakers in Bharat? There is an easy way to check: look at the distribution of R1a among Bharatiya population groups and see if they are linked to the traditional custodians of the Sanskrit language, the upper castes in general or the Brahmins in particular”.

On checking, however, we find that the signature is not authentic. The Brahmins are described by Joseph as the custodians of “Sanskrit” as also of “texts written in Sanskrit” and therefore identified as “Aryans”. Ironically, R1a1 DNA is found in much higher or comparatively similar percentage in non-Brahmin castes like Khatris (67%) and Gujarat Lohanas (60%), and even in non-Aryan speakers like the Manipuri people of the east (50%) and purely Dravidian tribes of the South like the Chenchu (26%) and Kota (23%), as compared with most Brahmin communities: the Iyengars have 31%.

In fact, the idea of linking genetic make-up with custody of traditions is highly tenuous. The endogamous “Aryan” Parsis in Bharat and the endogamous Zoroastrians still in Iran, “the traditional custodians of the Avestan language“, have less than 20% of R1a1 DNA (many Iranian groups going as low as 0-3%), while the non-“Aryan” Semites to their west include the Shammar Arabs in Kuwait (43%) and the Ashkenazi Levites of Israel (52%): the Ashkenazi Levites are “the traditional custodians of the Hebrew Old Testament text and language“!

Dismissing these pathetic attempts to prove AIT on the basis of esoteric data and wild claims as mumbo-jumbo, Talageri says that there is really solid  evidence to show that Vedic Sanskrit and related languages were deeply entrenched in northern Bharat at least in the third millennium BCE if not much earlier. This evidence is provided by ancient texts like Rigveda and Avesta in conjunction with dated inscriptions and documents of peoples like Mitannis and Kassaites.

The Rigveda, the oldest book in the world and the most primary source of knowledge about ancient Bharat, consists of 1028 hymns divided in ten books or mandalas. There is strong and massive internal evidence in the Rigveda itself that all of it was not composed at the same time. There is a general agreement among scholars that Books II to VII, known as “family books”, are older, whereas Books I, VIII, IX and X came later. Of the family books, Books III, VI and VII are the oldest, II and IV are the Middle Books and Book V represents the transition from the old books to the late ones.

Now, Rigveda and Avesta have a lot in common—names of people, animals, meters, geography. However, the Early Books of Rigveda have very little in common with Avesta while the Middle Books have a little more. But it is the Late Books of Rigveda that have a lot in common with Avesta, pointing to a period of contemporary development.

The next question is: in which area were the Early and the Middle Books composed? Where were the Vedic Aryans living in the period before the development of this joint Indo-Iranian culture? The geographical evidence of Rigveda is very clear and unambiguous. It shows that the Vedic Aryans, in the period of the Early and the Middle books, were inhabitants of interior parts of Bharat, to the east of the river Sarasvati and were only just expanding into and becoming acquainted with areas further west.

Then there is some more evidence from ancient Mesopotamia that could help us determine a lower limit for the Vedic Age. The Mitanni, who ruled northern Iraq and Syria around the 15th century BCE, spoke Hurrite, a non-Indo-European language unrelated to Vedic Sanskrit. But their kings and other members of the ruling class bore names which were corrupted versions of Vedic names: Mittaratti (Mitrātithi), Dewatti (Devātithi), Subandu (Subandhu), Indarota (Indrota), Biriamasda (Priyamedha), to mention a few.

In a treaty with the Hittites, they invoked Vedic gods Mitra, Varuna, Indra and Nāsatyas (Aśvins). A Mitanni manual on training of chariot horses by Kikkuli has words like aika (eka, one), tera (tri, three), panza (pancha,  five), satta (sapta, seven) na (nava, nine), vartana (vartana, turn round in the horse race). Another one has words like babru (babhru, brown), parita (palita, grey) pinkara (pingala, red) and so on.

Many centuries must have elapsed between the entry of their Vedic ancestors into West Asia and this loss of language leaving behind just a super stratum of Vedic words. The Kassite conquerors of Mesopotamia (c. 1677 BCE) had a Sun god Surias, perhaps also Marut and may be even Bhaga (Bugas), as also a personal name Abirattas (Abhiratha).

What is notable is that the ancestral Vedic names used by the Mitanni kings, and the one known Kassite name, all belong to the names which are common to the Avesta and the Late Books of Rigveda. So the ancestors of the Mitanni and Kassites must have migrated from northwestern Bharat in the period of the Late Books. This places Late Books of Rigveda in the late third millennium BCE at the latest. The Middle and the Early books of Rigveda must have been composed much earlier. Please note that this is the lower limit for the date of Rigveda. There is nothing here that precludes a reasonably earlier date.

Between Joseph’s wild claims based on paltry data of dubious veracity and the clear and consistent case presented by Shrikant Talageri, the choice is clear.

In short, Tony Joseph’s book Early Indians: The Story of Our Ancestors and Where We Came From is a calculated and audacious attempt to revive the colonial Aryan Invasion Theory through impressive-sounding but hollow rhetoric. It is based on the recent research led by racist, Hinduphobic Harvard geneticist David Reich of Harvard Medical School.

Many scholars have debunked this research for its flawed methodology and incorrect racist interpretations of pre-historic past, invalidating the conclusions based on it. The resurgent Bharat needs to be on its guard against such clever attempts to mislead and divide its people.

-by Punarvasu Parekh

Notes

  1. Genetics & The Aryan Debate: “Early Indians” Tony Joseph’s Latest Assault by Shrikant Talageri. Publishers: Voice of India, New Delhi. The volume has been brought out as part of a publication initiative by Ram Swarup-Sitaram Goel Memorial Fund.
  2. The Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex, also known as the Oxus civilization, is the modern archaeological designation for a Bronze Age civilization of Central Asia dated c. 2400-1600 BCE located in present-day Afghanistan, eastern Turkmenistan, southern Uzbekistan and Western Tajikistan, centred on the upper Amu Darya (Oxus river).

(This article was first published on bharatabharati.wordpress.com on August 30, 2019 and has been reproduced here in full with a minor change- references to ‘India’ have been replaced with ‘Bharat’.)


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Puri Makeover: But At What Cost?

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The Puri administration’s move to demolish many structures, including ancient maths, around a 75-metre radius of the Jagannath temple walls has not gone down well with archaeologists, historians and other experts. They have blamed the government of bulldozing through an ambitious makeover for Puri at the cost of the city’s rich heritage.

“Puri is a heritage city and needs development. But I feel that development should take place in a proper manner,” averred Jitu Mishra, an archaeologist and researcher.

Referring to Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik’s recent announcement of a renovation package of Rs 500 crore for Puri, Mishra said, “This is a good move. The government has come up with a development plan for the city. But, while making any plan related to a heritage city, the administration must also include historians, archaeologists and experts so that no damage is done to the place’s historical and cultural heritage.”

The archaeologist particularly felt pained over the axe falling on old maths around Srimandir. “There are many ancient maths and buildings that are in ruins, but these ruins are also part of the city’s heritage and they should be preserved as well. Every monument has its own story. Along with heritage, ruins also tell the story of the glorious past,” he added.

Echoing the sentiment, INTACH member Anil Dhir said, “The government should not hamper, disfigure, mutilate, transfer, modernise or improve any of the heritage structures. They should take steps for proper conservation and preservation as enough damage has been done to the heritage city. Lots of heritage buildings have been pulled down or they are not maintained properly. In the name of facilities, we can work on development but without causing any damage.”

He further stated, “They could demolish the encroachments around the heritage building, but should leave the heritage structures alone because they are the beauty of the city. The government should come up with a proper plan by incorporating the old structures for preservation. Moreover, while carrying out demolitions, they should have an archaeological expert with them.”

Dhir also accused the state archaeology department of not doing anything in this regard. “The state archaeology department has been a dysfunctional body for the past 10 years. They should take care of state-protected monuments, but unfortunately they are doing nothing. ASI takes care of sites that are of national interest, while the state archaeology department takes of care of those with state interest. But many state-protected monuments are in pathetic condition,” he added.

Questioning the concept of development in Puri, Prateek Pattanaik, a young historian argued, “What does redevelopment mean? The authorities need to be careful while implementing their plan. Development work should be done without causing any damage to heritage. The plans are reassuring for sure. But without a timeline, all one can do is wait and watch how it will go. I hope it is implemented like it has been said.

The historian also expressed doubt over ASI’s expertise in preservation of old artefacts. “Their expertise and accountability are doubtful because the Dasa Avatara statues, lime plaster sculptures and many such things taken by them in the past are nowhere to be found, not even in museums. No clarification has been given about the whereabouts of all those things.”

Concerned about the maths, Prateek said, “Some of the maths house ancient murals. I am afraid that in the course of development they may destroy the priceless murals and sculptures. They might paint them again or make a substitute; in that case it would be the destruction of heritage itself. Though I’m slightly relieved after listening to the CM’s assurance that the demolition of maths will be done with more care, I am still unsure what will happen.”

On his part, the chief minister had defended the demolition drives by stating that these were for the safety and security of the Jagannath temple. He also gave assurance that the government would compensate and rehabilitate all those whose houses and shops come under Srimandir’s security zone. Puri is set for a major revamp as per the heritage preservation and infrastructure development plan. The city will get a trumpet bridge, the first of its kind in Odisha, which would connect Puri bypass at Malatipatpur with Jagannath Ballav Math. The project would cost of Rs 190 crore.

Also in the blueprint is a multi-layer parking lot along with a marketplace and a meditation centre for 10,000 people. It would be constructed on the premises of the math at a cost of Rs 180 crore.

The two rivers of Musa and Mangala would be connected and facilities for riverfront tourism would come up at a cost of Rs 85 crore. The government also plans to develop Atharanala, which is a historical laterite stone bridge over Musa at the entrance of Puri town, with boating facilities and a fountain. The project at Atharanala would cost around Rs 5 crore.

The government also plans to create a 28-acre lake and introduce amenities for tourists like cycling tracks, walking tracks and a park at a total cost of Rs 35 crore.

(This article was published on mycitylinks.in on August 26, 2019 and has been reproduced here in full.) 

Editor’s Note

One of the more tragic stories of this demolition drive is the destruction of the Emara Matha – a 900-year-old matha which stands testimony to Sri Ramanujacharya’s arrival at Puri, and which is not only a heritage building but also a sacred place of worship for Vaishnavas.

The mahant of this matha is being asked by the Government to now stay in a container –

As per locals, the mahant has stopped intake of food and water and is sitting in dhyana in front of the deities of Rama and Ramanuja.


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Sikh Granthi’s daughter abducted, forcibly converted to Islam & married in Nankana Sahib, Pakistan

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The persecution of religious minorities, and especially non-Muslim girls, in Muslim-majority Pakistan continues unabated. This time it is a Sikh granthi’s daughter who has been targeted in Nankana Sahib, the holiest of cities for Sikhs as it is the birth place of the founder of the Sikh panth, Guru Nanak.

The girl, Jagjit Kaur, was abducted at gunpoint from her home in Nankana Sahib, Pakistan on the night of August 27. A few days later, a ‘nikah’ video emerged in which the clearly subdued girl is seen sitting besides a Muslim man, Mohammad Ehsaan, while a maulvi makes them both recite Quranic verses & then makes the girl declared that she is 19 and is marrying Ehsaan of her own free will.

The girl’s father Bhagwan Singh is a granthi at Gurdwara Tambu Sahib. Her brother Manmohan Singh lodged a complaint on August 28 with Nankana Sahib police saying that she is 16 years of age and accused Ehsaan and six others, including a woman Rukiyya, under Section 365 B (kidnapping, abducting or inducing women for marriage) of the Pakistan Penal Code.

Sawinder Singh, younger brother of the girl, told Times of India over phone that his sister, who was already betrothed to a Sikh boy, was kidnapped when she had gone to stay with their elder sister.

Sawinder also alleged that neither the police nor the Evacuee Trust Property Board (ETPB) –  a body responsible for the maintenance of properties abandoned by people who left for Bharat during partition – officials paid any heed to their complaint. On the contrary, authorities are sending messages to the family to not ‘rake up’ the issue in view of the upcoming 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Dev and opening of Kartarpur corridor with Bharat.

Punjab CM Capt. Amarinder Singh was moved to intervene on behalf of the hapless Sikh family –

Since its inception HinduPost has been covering the genocidal approach of Pakistan towards it religious minorities. While globally, it is the persecution of Christian, Ahmadi & Shia minorities and select cases like Asia Bibi blasphemy case that have got most attention, the plight of Pakistani Hindus & Sikhs is far worse.

Hindus are being targeted primarily in the ‘liberal’ province of Sindh – it is estimated that 25 Hindu girls are abducted, forcibly converted to Islam, raped & married in that one province alone each month. Around 5000 Hindus migrate each year to Bharat to escape the persecution, and many cave in to the constant intimidation and institutionalized discrimination to finally convert to Islam. And nothing has changed even after the advent of Lutyens’ darling Imran Khan as PM of Pakistan.

Islamists have such a choke-hold on Pakistani society and institutions that a law passed in 2016 to outlaw forcible conversions in Sindh met with fierce resistance from groups like Hafeez Saeed’s Jamaat-ud-Dawa, leading to the Sindh governor declining to sign the bill into law.

At least 10 prominent Sikhs have been murdered in “targeted killings” since 2014 in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces where most Pakistani Sikhs reside. This resulted in a staggering 60% of Peshawar’s 30,000 Sikhs leaving for other parts of Pakistan or migrating to Bharat after 2014.

Hindus & Sikhs are also battling with the Pakistan government for ownership of hundreds of temples and gurdawaras. Many lands belonging to Hindu & Sikh temples and crematoriums have been encroached or disposed off by the ETBP and land mafia. Just recently, a 4 centuries old Guru Nanak palace was partially demolished and vandalized in Pakistan’s Narowal.

Even though awareness on this dire human rights issue is slowly rising, especially after the Rinkle Kumari case of 2012, it is still telling that 1 billion Hindus across the world have still not managed to make the world hear about the pain of their sisters & brothers in countries like Pakistan & Bangladesh.

It is also an extreme irony that some members of the Sikh diaspora in countries like Canada, UK etc are so brainwashed by Khalistani rhetoric that they remain blind to the plight of Pakistani Sikhs and instead spew venom on Bharat, a country where Sikhs are living peacefully & prospering despite the recent spate of Khalistani-funded killings of Hindu leaders.


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“Hindus can worship in a mosque:” Justice DY Chandrachud during RJB case hearing

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Chandrachud-चंद्रचूड़

Justice DY Chandrachud yesterday commented in Supreme Court that Hindus can worship in a place where namaz is offered (mosque) as ‘worship in Hinduism ultimately reaches the same one power’.

This uninformed observation on Hindu Dharma was made when the 5-judge Constitution Bench headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, and comprising justices S.A. Bopde, D.Y. Chandrachud, Ashok Bhushan and S. Abdul Nazeer was hearing arguments by Senior advocate P N Mishra, appearing for ‘Akhil Bhartiya Sri Ram Janam Bhoomi Punarudhar Samiti’ in the 134-year-old Ram Janmabhoomi (RJB) case.

Previously, the bench had wondered “whether issues like birth of Jesus Christ at Bethlehem have been questioned and dealt with by any court in the world.”

Practising Hindus, including those well versed in law, opposed Justice Chandrachud’s views which do gross injustice to the equal importance of different spiritual paths in Hindu Dharma. For eg., many Hindus worship a deity in form of a murti in temples – for them, that murti is an essential element of their bhakti which cannot be dismissed just because the deity is a manifestation of Brahman (ultimate reality/cosmic bliss).

Many also wondered if Justice Chandrachud  had considered whether Hindus would be allowed to place a murti in a ‘place where namaz is offered’, or would that go against one of the fundamental tenets of Islam that ‘idol worship’ (as murti-puja is regarded by Abrahamic religions) is the highest expression of sin? Or could a Hindu sit and do sadhana (meditation) while Muslims around him prostrated for namaz?

Such distortion of core Hindu beliefs is not surprising in ‘modern’ Bharat, and particularly in the legal & judicial field, as J Sai Deepak reasons in this must-read article

“..of all Indian institutions, the Indian legal system’s approach and attitude to Indic thoughts, traditions and institutions, in fact to the Indic way of life itself, is that of a colonized mind with a penchant for ‘reform’, which is the politically correct term for a patronizing intervention to civilize the native, and which is clearly a never-ending exercise.”

Justice DY Chandrachud is somewhat of a hero for the left-liberals of Lutyens’ Delhi. “True liberal”, “hero”, “new cool”, “Judge of our times”, “red-hot & fierce”, “upholder of constitutional morality”, “foremost counter majoritarian” – these were some of the labels assigned to him after a string of judgements last year.

The Harvard-educated judge’s ignorance about fundamentals of Dharma (not surprising given the total aversion to Hindu Dharma in liberal, secular circles) should not come as a surprise to anyone who has followed his previous judgements. This is what he said during the Sabarimala case – “A deity in a temple does not have any constitutional rights…Fundamental rights are meant for individuals not deities or idols.”

Justice DY Chandrachud is currently in line to become CJI for over 2 years starting from 9 November, 2022.


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How New A.I. Is Making the Law’s Definition of Hacking Obsolete

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tesla

Imagine you’re cruising in your new Tesla, autopilot engaged. Suddenly you feel yourself veer into the other lane, and you grab the wheel just in time to avoid an oncoming car. When you pull over, pulse still racing, and look over the scene, it all seems normal. But upon closer inspection, you notice a series of translucent stickers leading away from the dotted lane divider. And to your Tesla, these stickers represent a non-existent bend in the road that could have killed you.

In April this year, a research team at the Chinese tech giant Tencent showed that a Tesla Model S in autopilot mode could be tricked into following a bend in the road that didn’t exist simply by adding stickers to the road in a particular pattern. Earlier research in the U.S. had shown that small changes to a stop sign could cause a driverless car to mistakenly perceive it as a speed limit sign. Another study found that by playing tones indecipherable to a person, a malicious attacker could cause an Amazon Echo to order unwanted items.

These discoveries are part of a growing area of study known as adversarial machine learning. As more machines become artificially intelligent, computer scientists are learning that A.I. can be manipulated into perceiving the world in wrong, sometimes dangerous ways. And because these techniques “trick” the system instead of “hacking” it, federal laws and security standards may not protect us from these malicious new behaviors — and the serious consequences they can have.

Machine learning (M.L.) is a major subset of A.I. that typically involves a two-phase process to ascertain patterns in data. In the first phase, a model is trained toward a particular objective, such as detecting spam emails, through exposure to many examples. In the second phase, the model is shown a new example and must infer its category.

So-called deep learning is a subset of M.L. that approaches classification problems layer by layer, with each layer devoted to an aspect of the classification. Thus, a deep learning system trying to detect a stop sign may devote one layer to detecting the shape, one to the color, and so on.

Adversarial M.L. is rapidly becoming an important area of security research — and as a law professor, I can tell you that the law is not ready.

Adversarial M.L. exploits the limitations of machine learning in order to cause an error or to discover hidden information. A still-evolving field, there are three central techniques of adversarial M.L. The first involves poisoning the model — by deliberately mislabeling a picture, for example — in order to force errors in the inference phase. The second involves fooling a trained model by understanding what features the model is using to classify new inputs and mimicking those features. Your potential Tesla crash falls into this second category. The third involves systematically querying a trained model to try to discover the underlying, potentially personal or sensitive data that went into training that model.

Adversarial M.L. is rapidly becoming an important area of security research — and as a law professor, I can tell you that the law is not ready.

The rules against hacking in the United States date back to the mid-1980s, around the time of the movie WarGames. According to popular lore, Reagan administration staffers watched the movie in horror as a teenager named David, played by a young Matthew Broderick, broke into a Pentagon computer from his bedroom and nearly precipitated a nuclear war.

Whatever the reason, Congress in 1986 passed the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act (CFAA) as a criminal and civil disincentive to hacking into government and other protected computers. The CFAA has had its problems, including allegations of prosecutorial overreach. But the basic definition of hacking has survived now three decades of technological change: Under federal law, hacking consists of causing harm by bypassing a security protocol without adequate authority. This understanding continues to hold and has extended to other contexts, including international law and standards.

The problem is that adversarial M.L. doesn’t break into a machine as such. Rather, these techniques leverage knowledge of the model to trick the system into unanticipated behaviors, and they do it without bypassing any security protocol. Nor do these techniques shut the system down by overwhelming it through a typical approach called a “denial of service” attack. As such, they do not seem to constitute “hacking” as the law has come to understand that term.

The computer security threat is evolving in ways anti-hacking laws didn’t anticipate. One concern is that anti-hacking laws will be under-inclusive and so would fail to outlaw clearly dangerous behavior such compromising a self-driving car. Five years ago, a casino tried to sue a defendant because he had figured out how to trick a digital poker machine into letting him win by pushing a series of buttons in a particular order.

In an unpublished, non-binding opinion, a federal court rejected the casino’s case because the defendant had not “hacked” the machine — he had not bypassed any security protocols. And the same might be said of tricking a car into speeding or changing lanes by altering the external environment.

Of course, defacing roads or road signs in a way that endangers human drivers is already illegal. Maybe these local laws could deal with examples of adversarial M.L., at least when lives are in danger. But what about techniques that reach multiple machines at once, such as a tone broadcast on the radio that could cause Alexas all over the country to order items from Amazon? Some of the ways machines can be tricked are capable of scale and could cross jurisdictional lines.

Others may worry that the already vague anti-hacking law could inadvertently target innocent or expressive activity. If courts could choose to regard tricking cars or smart homes as hacking, what is the limiting principle? Security camera systems in airports are not only protected computers, but protected government computers, which carry special penalties. So would wearing makeup meant to throw off facial recognition constitute “hacking” those systems?

Also troubling is the chilling effect on accountability research. Academics, the media, or independent researchers test systems for security vulnerabilities, race and gender biases, and other problems. Unlike the anti-circumvention clause of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, which protects against efforts to crack digital locks on content, the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act does not have a research exemption.

The investigative news site Pro Publica published a powerful exposé on the racial biases inherent in bail risk assessment algorithms; if courts begin to see this kind of journalistic probing as hacking, then the important fields of adversarial machine learning and algorithmic fairness are at risk.

And what about the developer of the system being tricked? Companies have an obligation to implement adequate security, and state law requires them to report hacks that result in a breach of personal data. If security concerns affect enough consumers, the Federal Trade Commission or other government agencies can get involved. Several major companies, including Twitter and Uber, are under a consent decree with the FTC for failing to safeguard consumer data.

Today we lack a standard for what constitutes adequate robustness against adversarial M.L. Without such a standard, it is hard to imagine companies are adequately incentivized to harden their systems against attack. But the concern and the responsibility exist any time machines are making material decisions about people and their opportunities.

Smart machines, like even the smartest people, can be tricked. Computer security research is teaching us that a clever attacker can purposefully manipulate A.I. into misperceiving the world in ways that can cause financial or even physical harm. The resulting disconnect between adversarial techniques and anti-hacking laws means uncertainty for consumers and researchers and lesser incentives for A.I. developers. What is needed is a wholesale rethink of the very definition of hacking.

-By Ryan Kalo

(This article was published on onezero.medium.com on August 21, 2019 and has been reproduced here in full.)

(Featured Image Credit: picture alliance/Getty Images)


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Pakistan has no choice

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Cyril Almeida is a Pakistani journalist based in Karachi, who writes for Dawn, an English daily started by Jinnah. This is what he tweeted recently –

cyril almeida (@cyalm) tweeted at 10:48 PM on Mon, Aug 26, 2019:
Seems fairly clear IK/PTI and Bajwa & co are feeling the heat domestically on their tepid, flailing response to the Kashmir stuff… so far their strategy seems to be hope that gimmicks will make the public pressure/disquiet dissipate…
(https://twitter.com/cyalm/status/1166037113307054083?s=03)

Perhaps Almedia can state what exactly would be a strong response that Pakistan should give, and whether it is possible? In the past, Pakistan could just say ‘boo’ and the Bharatiya political leadership would run for cover. Because there is now a government which is acting on the basis of a conviction of what is good for Bharat and its people, this is no longer the default reaction in Bharat. The basis of actions is not what a vote bank thinks, or what the Khan Market Gang says, or what some foreign countries might say.

By crossing the Line of Control and destroying many launchpads from where terrorists were infiltrated into Kashmir Valley, and by crossing the international border and bombing a major terrorist training camp in Balakot, the present government has demolished many of the assumptions that were supposed to be the basis of Bharat’s reaction in the past towards any Pak-sponsored terror attack. All this is something that has happened by taking actions simply based on national interest, and also correctly putting the case for Bharat at international forums.

Recently, Bharat’s External Affairs Minister was asked if Bharat will take sides at the international level with China or the USA. He said something like: “Of course, India will take sides – it will be that of India.”  This is an example of the confidence with which Bharat is interacting with other nations today.

At the same time, Bharat has developed good relationships with many other countries in the world, which do not figure in the Machiavellian schemes of global ‘analysts’. The support from these countries has also stopped the so-called super powers from playing games with Bharat. Bharat is being seen as a responsible and accountable power, and that is why other countries, big and small, do not feel threatened in having friendly relations with it.

Today, Pakistan’s position is not just that it is an isolated nation, but it also has an economy that is weak primarily due to its Army’s pathological hate towards Bharat and its political leadership’s avarice and corruption. It has huge social tensions within due to a Punjabi hegemony in politics. And it has become a supplier of Islamic terrorists all over the world.

I have read somewhere that when talking to the so-called super powers, Pakistan’s position is that it holds a gun to its own head and threatens to pull the trigger if its tantrums are not heeded. Today, the world is saying; “Go ahead and pull the trigger.”

No country in the world is willing to pamper Pakistan. In fact, they are all laying out the sensible steps that Pakistan should be taking to be considered as a responsible member of the world community.  Steps that are as much for their own benefit as they are for the rest of the world.

The people of Pakistan are starting to realise that their military and political leadership has been taking them down a path to ruin. They want to change direction, and take a path that will lead to a future that normal people would aspire for. And they know that this can happen if and only if the destructive assumptions that the leadership is propagating are done away with.


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Cow Smugglers clash with police – shootouts & stone pelting in UP, MP

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Brutally stuffed cows being rescued from a container in Vidisha, MP

Three separate instances of clashes between cow smugglers & police have been reported from Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh & Vidisha, Madhya Pradesh.

Last Friday, police had two different shootouts with cow smugglers in Hardoi district. After the encounters broke out, cattle smugglers shot 2 policemen, and 4 cattle smugglers out of 6 – who were arrested – also got injured.

Superintendent of Police (Hardoi) Alok Priyadarshi said that Constable Satya Prakash and 2 smugglers – Mujeeb and Habib – received bullet wounds in one of the encounters, in which one Wali Mohammed was also arrested. Police recovered 15 quintals of beef and tools used for slaughtering from these criminals near Kalyan Chowki under Beniganj police station area.

Cow smugglers in Vidisha, MP, first opened fire on Monday night at citizens who tried to stop the slaughter of a container full of cows and calves. When police reached the spot, this gang of criminals began to pelt stones at police with such ferocity that instead of nabbing the lawbreakers, the Vidisha Police were forced to save themselves first.

Brutally stuffed cows being rescued from a container in Vidisha, MP (Credit: Bhaskar.com)

Traumatic and distressing pictures emerged when the container was opened to retrieve 55 cows out of which 14 were already dead. Charges of cruelty to animals, attempt to murder and others cases were slapped against Imran Khan, Arbaz Khan, Saabir Hussain, Zafar Khan, Naga Khan, Bhalla Khan, Islam Khan and Arman Khan. Angry locals protested outside the Idgah the next day.

If cow smugglers can open fire on police teams in UP, can pelt stones on police in MP, imagine how scary and dangerous it is for farmers & ordinary villagers acting as gau rakshaks to save cows from being smuggled to slaughter houses.


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Maridhas Vs DMK: the sham of liberals’ freedom of expression exposed

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Article 19(1) (a) of the Constitution of Bharat states that “all citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression”. This right is granted to all citizens without exception and with reasonable restrictions.

Liberals do not miss any opportunity to impress upon the people this right granted by the Constitution. More so during this era of Social Media (SM) where views are expressed freely as it gives a sense of security and even anonymity. However, freedom of expression is a one way street according to liberals who can neither accept criticism nor listen to views contrary to theirs.

The case of Maridhas, a SM user and YouTube activist, is a good example of how liberals who shout from the rooftops about ‘freedom of speech’ never extend the same courtesy to their ‘political opponents’.

Maridhas is a nationalist from Madurai, Tamil Nadu who has been in the forefront exposing anti-Hindu forces including Periyarists, separatists and the conversion mafia. His YouTube videos are a treasure trove of knowledge on the nexus between Dravidianists and anti-national elements, how the conversion mafia operates and many such issues which relate to the polity, security and development of the country. He addresses issues in a detail and logical manner, explaining things in a very simple manner.

So what has irked the DMK? Much like its ally Congress, DMK is incapable of accepting criticism. There have been instances in the past when the party has silenced journalists through intimidation, harassment and even by murdering them.

What has caused distress to DMK is Maridhas’ video titled ‘Is DMK influenced by Pakistan?’ In this video Maridhas has provided proof of how Pakistan’s media echoes DMK’s stance. Further, he exposes how funds have been entering TN through hawala so as to encourage separatism in the state much like how separatism has been propagated in Jammu and Kashmir.

Fearing that their game will be exposed and eventually they may lose public support, DMK has rushed to the police to file a case against Maridhas alleging that he is trying to cause ‘communal disharmony’. As we have said earlier, DMK doesn’t take criticism well and is known to silence critics, violently if necessary, so their filing a police complaint doesn’t come as a surprise. 

However, DMK has forgotten that this is the age of SM and they cannot continue with their arm twisting ways anymore. The news of their police complaint was greeted with #ISupportMaridhas hashtag on Twitter. SM users have come out in full force supporting this lone warrior which should serve as a reminder to bullies like Congress, DMK, communists and liberals who pretend to be champions of ‘free speech’ but assume that free speech is their sole preserve. 

Tamil Nadu has been suffering from Tamil nationalism and regionalism for quite some time now. In such a scenario the youth need to be guided properly and Maridhas is doing a great job of exposing #BreakingIndia forces with proof.

Some important topics he has dealt with include Rafael deal, Sterlite protests, HRCE & Dravidian Politicians’ nexus which is facilitating the loot of Hindu temples, and many other such topics that are a must watch for Tamil people in general and youth in particular, because they would then be able to make an informed choice and also learn how anti-nationals are emotionally blackmailing them so that they can continue looting them and take them away from their Hindu roots.

Conversion has been a big problem in Tamil Nadu and the conversion mafia has run amok, especially Christian missionaries with overt and covert support from the administrative machinery. Maridhas has exposed the nexus between DMK and Christian missionary mafia that allowed the latter to accumulate huge amounts of wealth.

We need to stand by activists like Maridhas who are exposing the anti-Hindu and anti-national stance of Dravidian politicians. People like him are resisting the Tamil separatist movement that threatens to break the state of TN from its civilizational roots & the rest of the country.


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10 members of a Bangladeshi Hindu family injured in attack by land grabbers

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Muslim gang Lynched Dalit Man Lynching

At least 10 members of a Hindu family, including 6 women and a 4-year-old child, were injured as land grabbers launched an attack on them in Bangladesh, reports The Daily Star. 3 of those injured are in a critical condition.

The incident took place at Thakurer Haat area in Betagi Sankipur union under the Dashmina upazila of Patuakhali at around 5:30pm on Sunday.

As per the report –

“Around 50 miscreants, locally known as Jahir bahini, launched the attack on the family of one Khitish Majumer allegedly to forcefully occupy their business establishment, reports our Patuakhali correspondent.

The attacked left 10 persons injured, including six women and one child. The injured were: Khitish Majumder, 60; Sefalee Rani, 80; Jotin Majhee, 70; Lakhmi Rani, 60; Shova Rani, 55; Jopychan, 35; Khokon Majhee, 30; Anju Rani, 25; Lakhmi Rani, 22; Konika Rani, 30; and Kotha Rani, 4.

The injured taken to Dashmina Upazila Health Complex. Later, three of them were shifted to Barishal Sher-e-Bangla Medical College Hospital in critical condition.

Talking to this correspondent, Khitish Majumder claimed that a local influential group has been trying to occupy his business establishment at Thakurer Haat area for several months. “Around 50 men attacked on us this evening. As we tried to resist them, they assaulted us with sticks and sharp weapons,” he said.

After hearing the screams, locals went to the spot and the gang left the place, Khitish Majumder added. This correspondent tried to communicate with Jahir, who allegedly led the attack, but he did not receive the calls.

SM Jalal Uddin, officer-in-charge of Dashmina Police Station, confirmed the incident. On information, a police team was sent to the spot and brought the situation under control, the OC said.

Additional policemen have been deployed on the spot, the official also said Legal steps would be taken after proper investigation, the OC added. No case was filed till filing of this report around 10:00 pm.”

Such attacks on the Hindu minority of Bangladesh are routine. By one estimate, 632 Hindus leave Bangladesh each day and 230,612 annually due to religious persecution and discrimination.

However, while stray incidents of mob lynching of Muslim cattle thieves in Bharat reverberate globally due to entrenched anti-Hindu prejudice of the global left-liberal elite, the very real & organized persecution of the Hindu minority in Islamic countries like Bangladesh and Pakistan doesn’t elicit even a fraction of the same outrage in liberal outlets like NDTV, NYT, BBC etc.

When a Bangladeshi Hindu rights activist Priya Saha dared to speak about the persecution of her community in front of the US President, she faced a huge backlash from within her country. None of the leading left-liberals of Bharat spoke up in support of Saha.

Moreover, even the bill introduced by the Modi Government to make it easier for persecuted Bangladeshi Hindu refugees to get Bharatiya citizenship could not be tabled in upper house of Parliament due to vociferous opposition by  the Congress-led ‘secular’ lobby.


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Article 370 & 35A, a curse for J&K’s Valmiki community finally lifted

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Can you visualise a LIFE in which you and your future generations are forced to work as scavengers or cleaners (safari karamchari), no matter your educational qualifications? Can you imagine a SLEEP in which you are denied the dream of doing better?

This is exactly what happened to the Valmiki community who were invited to Jammu & Kashmir from Punjab in 1957 by the J&K Government to work as cleaners, as the existing sanitation union workers were on indefinite strike then.

Although Valmiki Community had been promised that they would be provided Permanent Resident Certificate (PRC) i.e. full state citizenship, but the promise was never respected. Hundreds of people from Valmiki Community had been allotted land for the construction of houses, but till date they were not granted PRC while their population increased manifold.

20-years-old Radhika, daughter of a scavenger, was a bright student. Her father left no stone unturned to support his daughter in her studies. He even remained hungry so that his daughter can continue her education. Finally, she cleared examinations of Border Security Force but was denied the job due to no PRC. Such was the curse inflicted by Article 370 & 35A on the children of Valmiki Community.

Eklavya, 22, son of a sweeper, wanted to become a lawyer but couldn’t practice due to no PRC. There are many bright and talented children of Valmiki community, many Eklavyas and Radhikas, who were not allowed to join any professional course even though their fathers had been serving the erstwhile state of J&K for over six decades.

Cleaning the garbage of the state, the Valmiki community didn’t even have right to cast votes in the state elections of Jammu & Kashmir, and could only cast their vote in Lok Sabha elections.

Every Independence Day on 15 August, while the rest of Bharat would celebrate its freedom to work as per ability and qualification, the Valmiki Community in J&K remained bonded labourers with a dark future. The true Independence Day for this oppressed and suppressed Valmiki Community came on 5 August 2019, when the Modi govt abrogated Article 370 & 35A. Now, they can dare to dream and cast their votes to elect local leaders as proud citizens of Bharat.

So-called Dalit leaders do politics in the name of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, projecting themselves as saviours of Dalits all over the country. But how come they lost their love for Dalits in J&K, and didn’t raise their voice over this gross human rights violation of the Valmiki community in Jammu & Kashmir? Did minority appeasement cast a shadow on their love for Dalits in J&K? Self-proclaimed Dalit leaders must answer this question.


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